Civilization

The being of some signifier of relationship between course of study policy and instructor professionalism would look to be an established premise. This is apparent in claims that course of study reform is frequently regarded as a menace to teacher professionalism ( Al-Hinei 2003 ; Apple 2009 ; Locke et Al. 2005 ) . Most notably, it is frequently claimed that the degree of prescription in the English National Curriculum, along with the associated demand to run into the prescribed results, reflects a decrease of instructor liberty in favor of answerability ( Walsh 2006 ) . It would look, at this degree so, possible to reason that a decrease in cardinal prescription equates to an addition in teacher liberty which in bend equates to an sweetening of instructor professionalism. To an extent this would look to be an purpose of recent course of study reform in Scotland in the signifier of the Curriculum for Excellence ( CfE ) . The first page of the first “Building the Curriculum “ papers claims that “teachers will hold greater range and infinite for professional determinations about what and how they should learn “ ( Scots Executive 2006:1 ) .

However, such a straightforward relationship between course of study policy and instructor professionalism would, pulling on Evans ( 2008 ) , be an over-simplification. Evans suggests that professionalism can non be understood entirely, through analyzing instructors “ “remit and duties “ ( p.23 ) , and instead we must see the ways in which teachers themselves understand their professional duties. To an extent this would look to be recognised in Scotland “s course of study reform, in for illustration claims that the reform requires a “culture alteration “ ( Scots Government 2009a:5 ) and the accent on the demand for professional development ( Scots Executive 2006:2 ) . This suggests acknowledgment that a alteration of instructors “ remit and duties entirely may non hold a important impact upon professionalism. In this sense, the CfE may possibly be regarded as stand foring, but besides necessitating, a alteration in our apprehension of teacher professionalism.

In visible radiation of this, it becomes pertinent to see exactly the nature of this implied alteration in apprehension of teacher professionalism. This essay will research peculiarly the deductions of greater instructor liberty in choosing the content of the course of study. This entails sing: what is meant by teacher professionalism, issues that arise in relation to choosing course of study content, and the impact of these issues on our construct of instructor professionalism.

Professionalism

In order to research the impact of the CfE upon teacher professionalism it is necessary to hold an apprehension as to what precisely “professionalism “ agencies. This poses some trouble as the term would look to miss a clear definition, and seems to be understood rather otherwise by different people ( Al-Hinei 2003:41 ; Evans 2008 ) .

In a general sense nevertheless, it can possibly be regarded as a description of the nature of the function and demands of a member of a profession ( Goodson 2003:126 ; Evans 2008:25 ) . This of class begs the inquiry as to what a “profession “ is. Harmonizing to Carr ( 2000:22 ) the term “profession “ may be regarded as bespeaking a distinguishable “class or class of business “ consisting of occupations such as “doctor “ or “lawyer “ , and sometimes “teacher “ .

It is in sing those characteristics that distinguish a “profession “ from other businesss that the cardinal issues associated with “professionalism “ come to the bow. Some regard the construct of “profession “ to be a socially constructed agencies of continuing power with a certain group of people by confering a particular position upon certain businesss ( described in Locke et Al. 2005:558 ) . Carr ( 2006:173 ) suggests it refers to those businesss that are indispensable in continuing civil society ( wellness, justness and instruction ) . Others suggest that there are certain specifying features which mark out an business as carry throughing the standard for “profession “ ( Locke et al 2005:558 ; Christie 2003:845 ) .

However, despite this diverseness it would look possible to place certain recurrent subjects in relation to those businesss classed as professions: they have some distinguishable cognition base or expertness ; they provide some signifier of service to society ; and, as alluded to in the debut, members of a profession have autonomy to do professional opinions ( Carr 2000 ; Christie 2003 ; Goodson 2003 ; Locke et Al. 2005 ) .

Professionalism, so, may possibly be regarded as describing: the demands of a member of a profession in footings of their cognition and expertness ; their range for independent determination devising ; and a definition of their function in its service to wider society. If we consider teacher professionalism straight, Menter et Al. ( 2010:17 ) , place “four theoretical accounts “ of professionalism ( “effective “ , “reflective “ , “enquiring “ and “transformative “ ) , each of which conceives of the professional cognition base and range for teacher determination doing otherwise. The “transformative “ theoretical account besides defines the societal function of learning otherwise – as “contributing to societal alteration “ , instead than conveying societal norms ( Menter et al. 2010:24 ) .

Therefore, the relationship between course of study policy and professionalism would look to lie in the manner in which the course of study defines a instructors “ function in footings of the cognition that is required and the degree of liberty for professional determination devising afforded by the course of study. Whilst Evans ( 2008:27 ) argues that we can non understand the true nature of instructor professionalism by mention to the policy that defines it, pulling on Locke et Al ( 2005 ) , it would surely look just to propose that the manner in which a instructors “ function is perceived officially does hold affect instructors “ positions as to the nature of their functions and duties.

As has been mentioned antecedently in relation to the English National Curriculum, the issue of instructors “ liberty and range for doing professional opinions would look to be a peculiarly combative issue. Menter et Al ( 2010:22 ) suggest that a normative course of study, in which there is less range for professional opinion, would look to associate readily to a theoretical account of professionalism which emphasises “technical achievement “ . It would look that cut downing instructors “ liberty narrows the cognition and expertness that is expected of a instructor. Goodson ( 2003 ) suggests that a focal point on the proficient facets of learning can take to a position that instructors “ expertness lies strictly in the accomplishments of twenty-four hours to twenty-four hours planning and behaviour direction. Carr ( 2000:15 ) refers to this as “restricted professionalism “ .

Through analyzing the grounds for the being of a course of study which possibly restricts teacher professionalism in this manner we come to see the “tension “ that Locke et Al ( 2005:564 ) point to as bing between instructor liberty and answerability. Further, through understanding the possibly alone answerability faced by the instruction profession ( Carr 2003 ) , we can get down to understand the issues involved in course of study content choice.

Education, or instead schooling, is basically concerned with “the sort of society we want to be “ ( White 2004a:2 ) and as such in concerned non merely with single development but besides the development of society. This is apparent in the claim that the “Curriculum for Excellence can play a important function “ in accomplishing the Scots Governments purpose “to make Scotland smarter, safer and stronger, wealthier and fairer, greener and healthier “ ( Scots Government 2008:3 ) . It is from this impression of schooling as helping, and potentially formative, society as a whole that it is suggested that schools and instructors are accountable in ways that other professions are non ( Carr 2000:44 ) . Further, instructors are besides more accountable to parents and must accept the legitimacy of the positions of “non-professionals “ in a manner that attorneies or physicians do non ( Carr 2003:64 ) . As such, it is argued that there are some determinations in instruction that should non be made by the instructor as they are “essentially political “ ( White 2004b:20 ) . In trying to guarantee therefore that instructors are run intoing the wants of both the province in footings of its desire for society – such as economic growing – instructors “ infinite for professional opinion can go squeezed.

This leads us to see more closely the nature of course of study policy itself, and the function it plays in interceding between the desires of the province and instructor professional liberty.

Course of study

This requires an understanding as to what is meant by ” course of study “  itself. As with “professionalism “ , it would look to be a term which is notoriously difficult to specify, with a battalion of potentially conflicting definitions ( Dillon 2009 ) . By and large it can be suggested that “curriculum “ does non mention to a list, or patterned advance, of points to be taught. The course of study addresses non merely what is taught, but why and how instruction and larning takes topographic point. As such, curricula reflect and advance beliefs about the purposes and nature of instruction ( Flinders & A ; Thornton 2009:8 ) . Different course of study reflect different epistemic and pedagogical beliefs – beliefs about the nature of cognition and nature of acquisition and learning – in, for illustration, their administration of “knowledge “ ( Carr 1988 ) . For illustration those that emphasise the separation of cognition into topics, and those that favour integrating of capable countries. However it should possibly be noted that Carr ( 1988 ) argues that the epistemic and pedagogical bases of much course of study policy is non wholly coherent. It should besides be noted that the current treatment is centred on the construct of “explicit “ course of study ( Moore 2004:61 ) – an expressed statement of intended acquisition such as the CfE. However in sing a broader definition, course of study is besides used to mention to those experiences which lead to larning approximately, for illustration, societal norms which are non explicitly planned for. This is termed the “implicit “ ( Moore 2004:61 ) or “hidden “ ( Anyon 2006 ) course of study.

However, notwithstanding the scope of attacks to understanding and making course of study, course of study design needfully entails a choice of what is to be taught. Different course of study theoretical accounts may differ in both when and by whom this procedure of choice takes topographic point. As mentioned earlier, within a normative, centralised, curriculum much of the choice is being made at a national degree by policy shapers.

If we consider the CfF itself in footings of those who are doing the determinations, it is rather clear that the pick as to what to learn is non being topographic point entirely in the custodies of the instructors. Priestley ( 2010:23 ) suggests that it reflects a tendency in course of study development in general, in which there is an effort to pull on both “top-down and bottom-up attacks to curriculum be aftering “ .

A procedure of choice has already occurred at the national degree. The purposes of the course of study have been set out in the signifier of the “four capacities “ – statements as to the type of individual the course of study seeks to develop ( Learning and Teaching Scotland 2010 ) . As mentioned earlier, the course of study besides aims to run into the Scots Governments desire to make a “wealthier “ and “healthier “ Scotland ( Scots Government 2008:3 ) .

Therefore instructors are doing their determinations within a “framework of national outlooks “ ( Scots Executive 2006:1 ) . Decisions, possibly ideological, have been made as to the “skills “ that are deemed of import have been defined ( “skills for acquisition, accomplishments for life and accomplishments for work “ ( Scots Government 2009b ) ) . The chief countries of acquisition, possibly reflecting epistemic beliefs, have besides been decided in the signifier of the course of study countries ( such as Mathematicss ) . At a more elaborate degree, the “experiences and results… describe the outlooks for larning and patterned advance for each of the eight course of study countries “ ( Learning and Teaching Scotland 2010 ) .

Even within this “clear instructors do non hold exclusive duty for course of study content choice. In the pledge, “all kids and immature people should see personalisation and pick… “ ( Scots Government 2008:17 ) , there is an outlook that students will, to a certain extent, besides be doing determinations about course of study content. Further, there is a strong accent upon collegiality, with instructors working together on course of study development ( Scots Government 2009a ) . This essay does non hold the range to see the reviews of the curricular determinations made at a national degree ( e.g. Royal Society of Edinburgh 2008 ) . Whilst recognizing that these unfavorable judgments may good hold of import deductions for the function of the instructor, this essay will see more by and large the deductions for teacher professionalism of liberty to choose content within a wide model.

Through sing course of study content choice, two cardinal issues related to teacher professionalism will be raised. The first considers the consequence of sing content choice as a pedagogical accomplishment or competency as Hansen ( 1998 ) appears to make. The 2nd explores the deductions of sing a course of study as a “selection of civilization “ ( Giroux 1980:228 ) .

Contented choice as pedagogical accomplishment

As it would look that the major “political “ determinations have been made in the course of study in footings of its purposes and general administration of cognition, it is possible to see the instructors function as that of “deciding what specific purposes and what student experiences best suit the peculiar kids “ ( White 2004b:20 ) . In this sense the instructor is pulling on expertness as to how best move the kid onto the following phase of development, in this instance as defined by the CfE “s experiences and results.

This demand to make up one”s mind upon the particular aims, and choosing the content to enable the student to accomplish those purposes would surely look to indicate to a construct of a more enhanced professionalism than a more normative course of study. The nature of expected teacher professional cognition and expertness would surely look to be regarded as more than organizational and twenty-four hours to twenty-four hours routine. Official certification seems to propose that instructors must, for illustration “reflect on their pattern “ ( Scots Government 2009a:2 ) and have a scope of expert cognition in the signifier of “content cognition… general pedagogical cognition… .knowledge about how scholars learn “ ( Scots Government 2009a:4 ) . This would look to indicate to theoretical accounts such as the “reflective instructor “ ( Moore 2004:4 ) . Such a theoretical account respects learning to affect more than practical cognition and proficient accomplishment, instead it requires instructors to reflect on their pattern possibly pulling on their theoretical apprehension with a position to bettering and developing their instruction ( Moore 2004 ) .

Menter et Al ( 2010:23 ) suggest that the demand for instructors to be involved in course of study development makes the construct of “the asking instructor “ a really relevant theoretical account. This theoretical account regards instructors “ professional expertness in lying non merely in the application of theoretical cognition, but besides in its coevals through action research, once more with the purpose to better their pattern ( Menter et al 2010:23 ) .

These theoretical accounts would surely look to widen the construct of instructor professionalism beyond that of the sensed technicism of the “competent “ instructor. As such they may supply suited theoretical accounts for instructors who are involved in the choice of course of study content, puting an accent on instructors “ pedagogical expertness.

However, if we turn to the 2nd construct, an apprehension of course of study content as a “selection of civilization “ ( Giroux 1980:228 ) , understanding teacher professionalism strictly in footings of pedagogical expertness may get down to look inadequate.

Curriculum content as a choice of civilization

In order to see the deductions of sing course of study as a choice of civilization it is necessary to find precisely what this means.

Culture, in its broadest sense, may be regarded “as a whole manner of life “ , embracing all facets of society including the cognition, accomplishments and activities, such as athletics and “recreation “ , of that society ( Entwistle 1977:111 ) . As such, whatever is included in the course of study is a choice from the huge array of cognition, accomplishments, attitudes and activities which make up “culture “ . We must see so on what footing we choose what to include. If we regard instruction as being, in some manner, involved with “betterment “ , the facets of civilization we choose to include in a course of study must be those which we regard as being contributing to the “improvement of the person or group “ ( Entwistle 1977:111 ) .

As such, cultural choice clearly implies a procedure of rating, separating between those things which we regard as “desirable or unwanted “ facets of civilization ( Entwistle 1977:110 ) . As White ( 2004a:3 ) argues that choice of content can merely sanely be carried out in relation to the purposes of the course of study, it would look just to propose that concerns about the choice of civilization could originate in relation to the overall purposes of the course of study and in relation to the standards by which facets of civilization are deemed worthy of inclusion.

Concerns that rise in relation to the purposes of the course of study are possibly best exemplified by the unfavorable judgments of a course of study whose purpose is, for illustration to increase employability accomplishments. Those who regard cognition acquisition as holding value in its ain right would see such an instrumental attack to content choice as an poverty of instruction, restricting entree to many signifiers of civilization which may non hold direct instrumental value ( pulling on Carr et Al. 2006:17 ) . In this manner so, we can see that the choice of content is in some manner impacted upon by our beliefs about the intent of instruction.

However, as has been discussed it the purposes of the CfE have been decided at a national degree, and as such possibly in world instructors have small function to play in choosing “desirable “ civilization. To a certain extent this may be true, and points once more to the “tension “ between answerability to the province, and instructors “ beliefs and professional opinions as to what is best ( Locke et al 2005 ) .

Further, it would surely look just to propose that within the model, instructors do hold to do determinations as to what to learn in order to accomplish the “experiences and results “ . In this manner they must do opinions as to what is worthwhile, what they regard as of import or valuable cognition or accomplishments, or suited literature. It is possibly in relation to the rating as to the comparative worth of facets of civilization that the most complex issues originate.

It is in sing the relationship between cognition and power that cultural choice becomes debatable. This becomes apparent when we draw on Bourdieu’s ( 1986:106 ) construct of “cultural capital “ . Bourdieu ( 1986:106 ) suggests that different signifiers of “culture “ are invested with value which can be drawn on for pecuniary addition, or an addition in societal position. If we consider this in footings of “knowledge “ as a signifier of civilization, so acquisition of certain signifiers of cognition by an person can be utilised in bring forthing income and increasing societal position. For illustration, geting specific biological and medical cognition can enable one to derive both the income and position conferred upon a physician. However, it is non merely the acquisition of the cognition per Se. which is valuable, but instead gaining institutional acknowledgment – in the signifier of an academic making – of possessing a peculiar signifier of civilization ( Bourdieu 1986:110 ) . In this sense, certain signifiers of cognition, certain signifiers of civilization, have greater value by virtuousness of being “institutionalised “ in the signifier of a making ( Bourdieu 1986:109 ) .

This would propose hence, that schools are involved in both the transportation of signifiers of civilization which enable an person to derive economic capital or societal position, but besides in some manner specify what signifiers of civilization are of value. Such an averment is supported by Giroux “s ( 1980:228 ) statement that the civilization that is selected to organize the course of study becomes “legitimised “ by the really fact of its inclusion in the course of study. Further as Moore ( 2004:61 ) points out, in choosing what to include, there is besides a determination as to what to except from the course of study. Moore ( 2004 ) suggests that through such a procedure the comparative value of different signifiers of civilization are communicated to students, with those things that are excluded regarded as unwanted. Some suggest that the footing on which such choice is carried out is based on “middle category “ values as to what should be regarded as worthwhile ( Reay 2006 ) .

An interesting illustration of such a claim is provided in Moore’s review of portraitures in movie of instructors who are regarded as “saviours and non-conformists “ ( Moore 2004:58 ) , such as “Ms Johnson “ in the movie Dangerous Minds. He argues that whilst the attack they take to instruction may be extraordinary, the content of that instruction is non. Moore ( 2004:58 ) contends that the cultural choice made by these instructors represents in-between category values and as such “may be read as lending to and corroborating societal and cultural prejudices “ ( p.58 )

It is in this sense that Young ( 2006:734 ) argues that “social involvements are ever involved in course of study design “ : those with the power to choose what is included in the course of study have, to an extent, the power to legalize certain signifiers of cognition and certain patterns. It is suggested that through this procedure of advancing and legalizing in-between category values schools are implicated in intrenching inequalities of societal category ( Reay 2006 ) .

Such a claim requires closer consideration if we are to understand the possible connexion between cultural choice and societal justness. One manner in which it is suggested that this is the instance is that persons from a in-between category background have greater entree and exposure to the signifiers of cognition that are regarded as valuable by schools ( Reay 2006 ) . In this manner, Reay ( 2006 ) suggests, kids from in-between category backgrounds are at an advantage, able to pull on the cultural capital they already possess in order to execute good at schools, deriving institutionalized acknowledgment through academic makings, and therefore addition position in society.

This would look to foreground a tenseness for those involved in choosing the content of a course of study. On the one manus, it is suggested that if schools do non supply the “high position cultural capital that academic and economic success requires “ so kids from working category backgrounds are potentially deprived of the ability to raise their societal position ( Anyon 2006:44 ) . However in making so, they are possibly complicit in reproducing prejudice as to what is regarded as legitimate and valuable cognition.

Further, Young ( 2006 ) suggests that it is non sensible to see cultural choice as strictly a affair of enforcing the values of an elitist group, and that there is a legitimacy in sing some accomplishments, facets of cognition, and activities as more valuable than others.

However, precisely how a instructor should make up one’s mind what is worthwhile and what is non is non wholly clear. Possibly it can be based upon the “normative “ ( Entwistle 1977:111 ) , societal position as to what is worthwhile. However, this is debatable even if there is a clear consensus as to what is “worthwhile “ . As Carr ( 2003:72 ) argues, the most widespread beliefs are non needfully the “right “ beliefs. Aside from raising the complex philosophical inquiry as to what “right “ agencies, this raises the inquiry as to the societal function of teacher professionalism. Are they at that place to go through on the values that exit or should they be “transformative “ , “contributing to societal alteration “ ( Menter et al 2010:24 ) .

It is from these observations upon the relationship between cultural choice and values, and the possible nexus to issues of societal justness, that it possibly seems unequal to understand instructors “ professionalism strictly in footings of practical accomplishments or even in footings of professional opinions based upon pedagogical cognition. Rather it would look to propose, as many ( e.g. Goodson 2003 ; Campbell 2003 ; Carr 2006 ) do, that as instruction is implicated in organizing scholars “ universe positions and values, it is inherently concerned with ethical considerations. These writers suggest that it is these ethical concerns and opinions that instructors have to do, that Markss learning out as a profession.

Carr ( 2006:172 ) argues that whilst all businesss are in some manner concerned with ethical issues, these by and large play a “regulative “ function – they indicate criterions for good pattern. However he suggests that ethical considerations are “constitutive “ of learning. This is possibly more clear in Campbell “s ( 2008:604 ) averment that it is:

“ … disputing to extricate the moralss of learning from the really procedure, pattern and content of teachinga.

This would look to propose that the determinations and actions made by instructors involve opinions as to what is right and incorrect non simply in a proficient sense, but instead in a moral sense. As it is suggested that ethical issues are inbuilt into the very nature of instruction, Campbell ( 2008:605 ) argues that “ethical codifications “ are deficient to turn to the issues faced by instructors. Rather she suggests that instructors requires an understanding by instructors of the complex moral issues they must turn to ( Campbell 2008:605 ) . Carr ( 2006:178 ) suggests that it is about instructors “taking moral issues and inquiries earnestly “ . It should be noted that this does non propose that instructors do non presently take moral and ethical considerations earnestly ; Campbell ( 2003:2 ) argues that many instructors are cognizant of the moral deductions of their opinions.

However, Locke et Al. ( 2005:570 ) do suggest that when instructors are capable to high degrees of answerability it can take instructors “doing things right “ instead than “doing the right thing “ . Potentially, hence, the CfE’s focal point on greater liberty could supply greater flexibleness for instructors to do the determinations they regard to be ethically sound. At the same clip, by increasing instructors “ range for taking what to learn the ethical nature of instructor opinion possibly becomes even more outstanding. However, pulling upon the suggestion that the framing of instructor professionalism in policy is important to pattern, it would look of import that the ethical nature of professionalism is present in official discourse if instructors are to be afforded the clip and infinite to earnestly prosecute with these issues.

The CfE may good be regarded as affording instructors greater liberty to do professional determinations as to what they teach. There besides appears to be acknowledgment ( e.g. Scots Government 2009a ) of the importance of instructors “ professional cognition and expertness. However, in sing the issues involved in choosing course of study content it seems just to reason that the professional function of instructors can non be framed strictly in footings of pedagogical cognition and expertness. Rather it would look that any consideration of teacher professionalism must earnestly see the ethical dimension of instruction.

A powerful and highly civilised nation comes in contact with a barbaric and isolated people, who have nevertheless advanced many steps on the road of progress, it would naturally be thought that the superior and conquering race would endeavour to collect and place on record information concerning such people: their manners, customs, language, religion, and traditions. Unfortunately, in the case of the Spanish conquests of the sixteenth century, that nation appears never to have considered it a duty to hand down to posterity any detailed description of the singularly interesting races they had vanquished.

As it was with the Guanches of the Canaries, the Aztecs of Mexico, and the Quichuas of Peru, so was it with the Chamorro of the Ladrones, and the Tagalo-Bisaya tribes of the Philippines. The same Vandal spirit that prompted the conquistadores to destroy the Maya and Aztec literature also moved them to demolish the written records of the Philippine natives, and but few attempts were made to preserve relics or information concerning them.

The Spanish priests, as the lettered men of those times, were the persons we should look to for such a work, but in their religious ardour they thought only of the ubjugation and conversion of the natives, and so, with the sword in one hand, and crucifix in the other, they marched through that fair land, ignoring and destroying the evidences of a strange semi-civilisation which should have been to them a study of the deepest interest. Fortunately, however, there were a few in that period who were interested in such matters, and who wrote accounts of the state of culture of the islanders of that early date.

Some of these MSS. have been preserved in the archives of Manila, and have lately attracted the attention of Spanish scholars. Such is the article from which the greater part of these notes are taken. In the volume for 1891 of the Revista Ibero-Americana, published at Madrid, there appeared a series of papers contributed by the Bishop of Oviedo, and entitled “La antigua civilizacion de las Islas Filipinas,” in which he gives a very interesting description of the natives and their mode of life.

The source of this information is – 119 an old folio manuscript written on rice-paper in the year 1610 from data collected at the period of the Spanish conquest of the Philippines by Legaspi. It is extended to the ear 1606, and relates minutely the condition of the islanders prior to the arrival of the Spanish. The codex is divided into five books, and these again into 183 capitulos or chapters.

The writer lived in the group for twenty-nine years in order to complete his work, which is authorised by authentic signatures of responsible persons. Extracts have also been made from Miguel de Lo-arca’s account of the Philippines written in 1583, Dampier’s voyage in the Pinckerton collection, and Antonio de Morga’s “Sucesesos de las Islas Filipinas” The first historical existence of the Malay proper is traced to Menangkabau in the

Archipelago, and by their vigour, energy, and skill have made themselves masters of the original inhabitants. At an early period they probably received instruction from Hindoo immigrants in the arts of working metals, spinning, weaving, ;c. As to the whence of the various Malayan tribes of the Philippines, it is most probable that they originally reached the archipelago from Borneo, or the Malay Peninsula. From northern Borneo the Sulu islands form a series of stepping-stones across to Mindanao.

As the Tagalo language is looked upon as one of the purest of Malay ialects, and contains the least number of Sanscrit words, it may be inferred from this that the race has occupied the islands from an early date. It is possible that the first settlers were carried thither by ocean currents, and that the Kuro Siwo, or Black Current, which sweeps up past Luzon is also responsible for the existence of the Kabaran (a Malay tribe) in Formosa.

From ancient times boats and men have drifted up from the Malay Islands to Japan, and W. E. Griffis, in his “Mikado’s Empire,” states that Shikoku and Kiushiu were inhabited by a mixed race descended from people who had come from Malaysia and South-Eastern Asia. It is most probable that Micronesia was settled from the Philippine Group, which thus became the meeting ground of the northern migration of Polynesians from Samoa, and the Micronesians proper.

The Spanish codex before mentioned states that the Tagalo-Bisaya tribes were thought to be derived from the coasts of Malabar and Malacca, and that, according to tradition, they arrived at the islands in small vessels called barangayan, under the direction of dato or maguinoo (chiefs or leaders), who retained their chieftainship after the landing as the basis of a social organisation of a tribal kind, nd that every barangay (district or tribal division) was composed of about fifty families.

Nothing definite appears to have been obtained from their traditions as to the original habitat of the race, and this may be accounted for by the supposition that the migration occurred at a remote period, and that all knowledge of their former home was lost. When a migratory race takes possession of new regions it maintains little or no correspondence with those left behind; thus in time they forget their old habitations, and their geographical knowledge is reduced to obscure and fading traditions.

On arriving at their new home the invaders must have ejected the indigenous Aieta from the low-lying country, and driven them back into the mountains. Juan de Salcedo, the Cortes of the Philippines, in his triumphal march round the island of Luzon, was unable to conquer many of the hill tribes, both Aieta and Tagalo, some of whom have remained independent until the present time. The Spanish Government forbade all intercourse with these mountaineers on pain of one hundred lashes and two years’ imprisonment, and this edict had the effect of preserving the ruder, non- agricultural hill-races.

This invading race of Malays was divided into many different tribes, the principal ones being the Tagalo of Luzon and the Bisaya of the southern isles. The Tagalo or Ta-Galoc were the most numerous, and were endowed with all the valour and politeness which can be expected in a semi-civilised people. The Pampango and but easily civilised. The Bisaya were also called Pintados or “painted ones,” by the Spanish, from their custom of tatooing the body. Within this community of tribes there are numerous differences of dialects and customs, clothing, character, and physical structure, which in many cases indicate obvious traces of foreign mixture.

As a race, the Philippine natives of the Malayan tribes are of moderate stature, well- formed, and of a coppery-red colour, or, as De Morga quaintly describes them, “They were of the colour of boiled quinces, having a clever disposition for anything they undertook: sharp, choleric, and resolute. ” Both men and women were in the habit of anointing and perfuming their long black hair, which they wore gathered in a knot or roll on the back of the head. The women, who were of pleasing appearance, adorned their hair with Jewels, and also wore ear-pendants and finger-rings of gold.

The men ad little or no beard, and both sexes were distinguished for their large, black eyes. The Zambales, or Beheaders, shaved the front part of the head, and wore on the skull a great lock of loose hair, which custom also obtained among the ancient Chamorro of the Ladrones. Most of the tribes filed their teeth, and stained them black with burnt cocoanut shell; while among the Bisaya the upper teeth were bored, and the perforations filled with gold, a singular custom observed by Marco Polo in China, and which was also practised in ancient Peru and Egypt.

Many of the tribes are spoken of y the early Spanish navigators as being endowed with fair intellectual capacities, possessing great powers of imitation, sober, brave, and determined. The Tagalo character, according to some later writers, is difficult to define: the – 121 craniologist and physiognomist may often find themselves at fault. They are great children, their nature being a singular combination of vices and virtues.

The costume of the men consisted of a short-sleeved cotton-tunic (chinina), usually black or blue, which came below the waist, a coloured cotton waistcloth, or kilt (bahaque), extending nearly to the knees, and over this a belt or sash of silk a andbreadth wide, and terminating in two gold tassels. On the right side hung a dagger (bararao) three palms long, and double-edged, the hilt formed of ivory or gold, and the sheath of buffalo-hide. They wore a turban (potong) on the head, and also leg-bands of black reeds or vines such ¤s are seen among the Papuans of New Guinea.

Chains, bracelets (calombiga), and armlets of gold, cornelian and agate were much worn, and he was reckoned a poor person who did not possess several gold chains. Hernando Requel, writing home to Spain, stated: “There is more gold in this island of Luzon than there is iron in Biscay. ” The Tinguiane had a peculiar custom of wearing tightly-compressed bracelets, which stopped the growth of the forearm, and caused the hand to swell. Women wore the top’s, a bordered and ornamented cloth wrapped round the body, which was confined by a belt, and descended to the ankles.

The bust was covered with a wide- sleeved camisita, or frock (baro), to which was sometimes added a handkerchief. The women of Luzon were without head-dress, but made use of a parasol of palm-leaves (payong). Among the Bisaya the women wore a small cap or hood, and in the slaves. Both sexes wore the same dress among the Ilocanos, the chief article of attire eing a loose coat (cabaya) similar to those of the Chinese. The dress of the Chiefs’ wives was more elegant than that of women of the common people (timaguas). They wore white robes, and others of crimson silk, plain or interwoven with gold, and trimmed with fringes and trinkets.

From their ears were suspended golden pendants of excellent workmanship, and on their fingers and ankles were massive gold rings set with precious stones. The timaguas and slaves went barefooted, but the upper class wore shoes, the women being daintily shod with velvet shoes embroidered with gold. Both men and women were very cleanly and elegant in their persons and dress, and of a goodly mien and grace; they took great pains with their hair, rejoicing in its blackness, washing it with the boiled bark of a tree called gogo, and anointing it with musk oil and other perfumes. They bathed daily, and looked upon it as a remedy for almost every complaint. On the the mother repaired to the nearest stream, and bathed herself and the little one, after which she returned to her ordinary occupation. Women were well treated among these people, and had for heir employment domestic work, needlework”in which they excelled”the spinning and weaving of silk and cotton into various fabrics, and also the preparation of the hemp, palm, and anana fibres.

The Philippine natives, with the exception of some of the hill tribes, were diligent agriculturalists, this being their chief occupation. In some mountainous regions they adopted a system of terrace cultivation similar to that of China, Peru, and Northern Mexico in bygone times, and which may also be seen in Java. They cultivated rice, sweet potatoes, bananas, cocoanuts, sugar-cane, palms, various vegetable roots and ibrous plants. They hunted the buffalo, deer, and wild boar. The flesh of the buffalo, or karabao, was preserved for future use by being cut into slices and dried in the sun, when it was called tapa.

Rice was prepared by being boiled, then pounded in a wooden mortar and pressed into cakes, thus forming the bread of the country. They made palm wine (alac or mosto) from the sap of various species of palms. Food was stored in raised houses similar to the pataka of the Maori. The first fruits of the harvest were devoted to the deified spirits of ancestors, called anito. l The Bisaya, hen planting rice, had the singular custom of offering a portion of the seed at each corner of the field as a sacrifice.

The ordinary dainty among the islanders was the buyo or betel quid, consisting of a leaf of betel pepper (tambul or Siri) smeared over with burnt lime and wrapped round a piece of areca nut (bonga). “The Filipinos,” says the old Spanish padre, “lived in houses (bahei) built of bamboo, cane, and palm leaves, and raised upon foundation-piles about six feet from the ground. ” These dwellings were supplied with cane screens in the place of divisions and doors. The elevated floor, where they ate and slept, was also made of split cane, and the whole structure was secured by reeds and cords for want of nails.

They ascended to these houses by a portable ladder, which was removed when the inmates went out, a sign that no person might approach the dwelling, which was otherwise unsecured. The house was surrounded by a gallery or verandah (batalan), earthenware, and copper vessels for various purposes. They had, moreover, in their houses some low tables and chairs, also boxes called tampipi, which served for the purpose of keeping wearing apparel and Jewels. Their bedding consisted usually of mats manufactured from various fibres. The houses of the chiefs were much larger and better constructed than those of the timaguas.

Many of their villages were built on the banks of rivers and the shores of lakes and harbours, so that they were surrounded by water, in the manner of the dwellings of New Guinea and the Gulf of Maracaibo. Among the Tinguiane tree houses were made use of. In these they slept at night, in order to avoid being surprised by enemies, and – 123 defended themselves by hurling down stones upon the attacking party, exactly in the ame manner as the natives of New Britain do to this day. The external commerce of the Tagalo tribes was principally with China, of which nation there were vessels in Manila on the arrival of the Spanish.

They are also said to have had intercourse with Japan, Borneo, and Siam. They had no coined money, but to facilitate trade they utilised gold as a medium of exchange in the form of dust and ingots, which were valued by weight. Magellan speaks of their system of weights and measures. These people were skilful shipwrights and navigators. The Bisaya were in the habit of making piratical forays among the isles. Their vessels were of arious kinds, some being propelled by oars or paddles, and others were provided with masts and sails.

Canoes were made of large trees, and were often fitted with keels and decks, while larger vessels, called virey and barangayan were constructed of planks fastened with wooden bolts. The rowers, with busey (paddles) or oars (gayong), timed their work to the voices of others, who sung words appropriate to the occasion, and by which the rowers understood whether to hasten or retard their work. Above the rowers was a platform (bailio) on which the fighting men stood without embarrassing the rowers, and above this again was the carang or awning. They sometimes used outriggers (balancoire) on both sides of the vessel.

The lapi and tapaque were vessels of the largest kind, some carrying as many as two hundred and fifty men. The barangan, a type of vessel used from the earliest times, was singularly like those of the ancients described by Homer. Society among the Tagalo-Bisaya tribes was divided into three classes, the chiefs and nobles, the common people (timagua), and the slaves. The principal of every social group”styled maguinoo among the Tagalo, bagani by the Manobo, and dat02 by the Bisaya”was the only political, military, and Judicial authority.

These chieftainships were hereditary, and the same respect was shown to the women as to the men of the ruling families. Their power over the people was despotic, they imposed a tribute upon the harvests, and could at any time reduce a subject to slavery, or dispose of his property and children. The slaves were divided into two classes: the sanguihuileres, who were in entire servitude, as also were their children”lived and served in the houses of their masters; while the namamahayes lived in houses of their own, and only worked as slaves on special occasions, such as at harvesting and housebuilding.

Among this latter class there obtained a peculiar half-bond system, and their having an only son, that child would be half free and half enslaved”that is, he would work one month for his owner and the next for himself. If they had more than one child, the first-born would – 124 follow the condition of the father, the second that of the mother, and so on. If there were uneven numbers, the last born was half free and half bond. Slaves were bought, sold, and exchanged like ordinary merchandise. In their social manners these people were very courteous, more especially the Luzon tribes.

They never poke to a superior without removing the turban. They then knelt upon one knee, raised their hands to their cheeks, and awaited authority to speak. The hongi, or nose-pressing salutation of the Polynesians, was an ancient custom in the Philippine Group, and on the island of Timor. It also obtained among the Chamorr03 of the Ladrones, who termed it tshomiko. The Philippine natives addressed all superiors in the third person, and added to every sentence the word po, equivalent to senor.

They were given to addresses replete with compliments, and were fond of the music of the cud, a guitar with two strings of copper wire. In regard to Judicial matters, all complaints were brought before the dato of the barangay (district) for examination. Though they had no written laws, they had established rules and customs by which all disputes were settled, and the chiefs recovered their fees by seizing the property not only of the vanquished party, but also of his witnesses.

Trial by ordeal was common, the usual mode being that of plunging the arm into a vessel of boiling water and taking out a stone from the bottom; or a lighted torch was placed in the hands of the accused, and if the flame flickered towards him he was pronounced uilty. Theft was sometimes punished by death, in which case the condemned was executed by the thrust of a lance. In some cases the thief was punished by being reduced to slavery. Loans with excessive interest were ordinary, the debtor and his children often becoming enslaved to the lender. Verbal insults were punished with great severity.

It was also regarded as a great insult to step over a sleeping person, and they even objected to wakening one asleep4. This seems to refer to the widespread belief of the soul leaving a sleeping body. Their worse curse was, “May thou die sleeping. The male children underwent a species of circumcision at an early age, which was but preparatory to further rites. Their oaths of fidelity, in conventions of peace and friendship, were ratified by the ceremony of blood- brotherhood, in which a vein of the arm being opened, the flowing blood was drunk by the other party.

Among these people was sometimes seen that singular mania for imitation called by the Javanese sakit latar, on the Amoor olon, in Siberia imuira, and in the Philippines malimali. This peculiar malady, presumably the result of a deranged nervous system, manifests itself as far as I can gather, in the following anner, the afflicted person is seized with a desire to- 125 copy or imitate the actions and movements of others, and will do the most extraordinary and ridiculous things to attain his object.

The despair induced by this strange mania and its consequent ridicule, urges the unfortunate to end his life in the dreaded Amok. These unfortunates were sometimes attacked by the amok frenzy. Is is certain that gold and copper mines have been worked in the islands from early implements, and the gold was formed into ornaments, or used as a medium of exchange. The ruder mountain tribes brought much gold from the interior, and raded it to the lowland people in exchange for various coveted articles.

Several of the tribes were in the habit of tatooing the body, the Bisaya being the most noted for the practice. The Catalangan Iraya used for tatoo patterns, and as decorations for sacred places certain marks and characters which appeared to be of origin. The Iraya proper used only straight and simple curved lines like those of the Aieta. The Ysarog (Issar¶), a primitive race of mountaineers who have been isolated for centuries, are said by later writers to resemble the Dyaks of Borneo.

Time was reckoned in former days by suns and moons, and feasts were held on the occurrence of certain astronomical phenomena. Brass gongs were much used at these feasts, and also on war expeditions. Such are some of the notes collected in reference to this interesting race. These Tagalo, these Bisaya, these Pampango, and Cagayane were despised by their Iberian conquerors as being ignorant savages; but, as the good old padre says in his MS. , they were worthy of being placed on a superior level to certain ancient people who possess a more illustrious fame. And who shall say it was not so?

Dependency theory was really popular during 1960s and 1970s as a direct challenge to the free market theory which was popular during the post-war season. The theory was formulated in 1950s and it is drawn on Marxian analysis of planetary economic system.

The theory explains the relationship between economically developed states ( Advanced states ) and developing states of the universe. Harmonizing to the theory, the developed states consider as the nucleus of the system and the developing states as the fringe of the system. When the system is working, resources flow from fringe developing states to the developed nucleus states. It is a cardinal contention of dependence theory that hapless provinces are impoverished and rich 1s enriched by the manner hapless provinces are integrated into the “ universe system. ”

The dependence theory is applicable to most of the developing states in the universe except few illustrations like India and Taiwan. Harmonizing to my cognition the theory is applicable to all most all states in the south Asia including Sri Lanka.

Sri Lanka was besides colonized by British Empire during 1815 – 1948 where it made a terrible harm to the Local civilization, Social life, independence every bit good as Economy. Even though the state has been ruled by local leaders from 1948, United Kingdom and other developed states have been created negative consequence on the development of the state.

However, presently Sri Lanka is in a right tract toward the development, where the service sector and the fabrication sector shows a fast growing while the Agriculture sector shows a relatively slow growing. Tourism and other service subsectors have been well contributed to the economic system of the state. However the economic system of the state was opened to the universe market in 1977 and the state has been experienced both positive and negative impacts on the development positions. On the one manus most of the local baby industries were collapsed during the period as a negative consequence of the unfastened economic system. On the other manus most of the international investors and multinational carbon monoxide operations came to the state with their new engineerings which was utile to look in the universe market as a bring forthing state.

Most of the developing states specially in south Asiatic states, including Sri Lanka have been depend on the IMF, World Bank, ADB and other multinational carbon monoxide operations to carry through their budget shortage through loans or grants under legion regulations and ordinances which severely consequence on the internal development. As consequence of that influence, most of those regional leaders every bit good as people of those states have a dependence outlook which was identified as the major constrain for the development. However, Sri Lanka was able to come in the in-between income state degree and presently the dependence outlook remains merely in some portion of rural countries of the state.

In that scenario, Sri Lanka is no longer stray state in the universe, but still in the disadvantaged and developing side which needs particular protection and nutriment for local baby industries to protect them from the international competition. Consequently, Sri Lanka has to utilize different theoretical account which can pull strings the international competition within the state while absorbing the maximal public-service corporation form the international market.

Harmonizing to my cognition and experience no any pure theory will helpful to utilize as it is for development in any state. Therefore, the state must hold their ain manner for development which has to critically see their ain resources and restrictions.

“ Poor but efficient Agriculture usage of developing state Traditional system ” proposed by T.W. Schultz.

This is one of a theory which tries to explicate the efficient usage of limited resources by hapless or developing husbandmans in developing states. The theory was foremost found in the T.W. Schultz ‘s book of Transforming Traditional Agriculture which was published in 1960s and the theory was really popular during that period.

During 1950s and 1960s, Most of the economic experts and Policy shapers believed that the productiveness of Agriculture sector in developing states as really low. Therefore they argued that the fringy productiveness of the labor in those states as nothing. Hence those agribusiness labors could be transferred from the agribusiness sector to the industrialisation sector without holding any harm to the agribusiness sector. Therefore, it was besides widely accepted that husbandmans in developing states were guided by tradition or civilization. On the other manus they are non responded to the economic inducements.

But Schultz argued that the husbandmans in developing states have really limited resources but most of the husbandmans use that limited resources expeditiously. However those husbandmans are hapless because of the other assorted grounds like cultural features such as deficiency of a work moral principle, deficiency of an apprehension of the thought of salvaging, or general ignorance of how to do best usage of their resources. Schultz argued that low income degrees in developing states agribusiness are a consequence of the low productiveness of the available factors of production, but non inefficiencies in their resource allotment.

Subsequently, most of the researches have been conducted and accordingly the theory was through empirical observation proved utilizing the research conducted in several developing states.

In Sri Lanka, there are plentifulness of little graduated table husbandmans who live under the poorness line but they use their limited resources expeditiously for their harvest cultivation. Water and fertiliser is the most scare resources in the dry zone of Sri Lankan husbandmans. They use particular agriculture pattern which is called as “ Chena cultivation ” . Even though that agriculture pattern is non recommended by most of the agriculturalist in the state, Chena cultivation is one of the largely adoptable patterns to utilize H2O and fertiliser. In this method husbandmans ever use new piece of land and they move to new a land in the following season. Farmers use all the vegetive parts as green manure and fire all the difficult parts of workss and mix with dirt as fertilisers. That organic manure covers all the alimentary demand of the new harvests. Farmers cultivate drought immune harvest varsities and cultivate as a mix harvest form. The system lowers the hazard of plague and disease incidence and good as maximise the use of wet. Farmers normally use household labors and utilize some excess labor merely in peak seasons. However, most of those husbandmans are hapless and the life base is besides low. There are many grounds behind the narrative and some of them are low salvaging rate, hapless cost direction, selling jobs, low substructure etc.

In that sense, even today, the theory is applicable in most of the developing states and it is utile to understand their agriculture manner, populating manner of the husbandmans. On the other manus, it is utile to propose them to rectify their failings.

Advertisements are a specific kind of media which have the aim to sell an idea or a product to the audience they are directed at. Very often, this Idea or product is not sold in a direct way but through the use of a metaphor or another stylistic device. This leaves the reader a lot of room for interpretation about what the Idea behind the advertisement is. Often, depending on the cultural background/context of the reader, the interpretation can be very different.

In the ad that will be analyzed in this response, two maln groups might have different Interpretations of the message of he ad. One of these groups is non-religious people, and the other one is religious people. The ad that will be discussed Is a poster or picture by “Antonio Federicl Gelato Italiano”. The company produced this specific ad, which was then banned for being too offensive. This already shows that there will be a group for which the ad Is too offensive, but for other people who will have a dfferent interpretation it won’t.

Using the big 5 tools of analysis, will give a quite general Idea of the meaning of the ad, and this idea will be close to the one in the mind of non-religious people, however or a religious audience there will be more to It. To start, one thing that can be looked at is the structure and content of the ad. There is a nun holding a pack of Antonio Federici ice cream and she is wearing quite a lot of make up. Also, there is a priest who seems to be taking his clothes off and has a very muscular body.

The priest and the nun are looking at each other in a seductive manner, and the background is dark. It seems like they are in a church. Right next to the nun’s hand (holding the Ice cream) there Is a piece of text made of light letters, which stands out, saying “Submit to temptation”. The main focus in the picture is on the priest’s body (since everything around It Is black) and on him and the nun being together in a, what seems to be, sexual way. The tone of the picture is very seductive, because of words such as “Resist to temptation” and the exposed body of the priest.

Also the colour black and the candles of the church in the background add on to this. And the mood that Is created Is very Intriguing and sexual. Clearly the audience of this advertisement does not include children, as one main tool to attract audience in this case is sex. Different interpretation of the ad come In once analysing what the purpose and meaning/theme of it might be. For a nonrellglous group of readers (who are not offended In general by sex as a tool to sell) this ad will be nothing more than another way of using sex and prohibition to sell and attract.

A reader who Is not religious will not feel personally offended by seeing religion being associated with sex nor by seeing a main rule of religion being diminished for the purposes of selling. Just as a girl who Is skinny will not feel offended by an ad that makes fun of fat girls. In the case of this ad, a non-religious eader will Interpret It as yet another example of using sex and “taboos” to sell a 1 OF2 product. I nls Interpretatlon Is Oue to tne cultural DacKgrouna 0T tne reader.

A non- religious individual who has not had religion as part of his education, society or as a main part of his life will not consider some aspects of this ad, as it isn’t part of her/his life. This is the importance of the context of interpretation of any text, because it will completely change whether the reader will feel personally attacked or directed to when reading the text. In the case of a non-religious group there is nothing more to he interpretation of this text. On the other hand, for a religious audience this ad has an entirely different meaning.

In the case of a religious individual, different factors will be considered than those a non-religious group will consider, also due to her/his cultural background. First of all, this ad openly diminishes religion by associating it with sex and ice cream. On the picture it is clear that there is sexual tension between a priest and a nun, the priest has a muscular body, they are in a church and it’s all because of ice cream. Someone who has had religion as part of their education, society or every day life will feel ffended by this, because the ad is diminishing something that is a big part of their life.

Also the religious group will feel that religion is being diminished by the words “Submit to temptation” because it seems that submitting to temptation (engaging in sexual activity as a priest or nun) is being promoted, or not being taken seriously. Secondly, this ad also is not respecting (or again, diminishing) an important rule of some religions: celibacy of priests and nuns. The ad is using it to create a prohibitive mood that together with sex will sell a product. The religious audience will see this as sing something sacred to them for commercial purposes.

So the interpretation of the religious group will be, that this ad is not only selling ice cream but also diminishing religion and trivializing important religious rules. To conclude, it is clear that the cultural context of an audience will give rise to different interpretations of an ad such as this one, and will sometimes have such a big influence that the ad will be banned. It is always important to consider different possible interpretations of a text because if one group is big enough it will have a significance impact on the way it will be treated. Word count: 996

Classic Mayan civilization was among the most advanced to ever develop in the New World prior to European contact, and at its height, Mayan cities supported populations estimated at 250 to 750 people per square mile. 1 They were the only advanced Mesoamerican civilization to have developed an extensive system of writing; they also developed their own unique calendar, and extensively studied mathematics and astronomy.

The Classic period of Maya civilization is thought to have begun around 250 CE, based on scholarly interpretation of glyphs on Mayan monuments. 2 It is thought that the occurrence of certain repetitive glyphs within an area signify the rise of a local dynasty or kingdom. Based on the number of archeologically verified houses, the Mayan population is estimated to have exponentially increased to its peak of approximately 13 million in around 750CE3, accompanied by a similar increase in the number and size of monuments and buildings.

After this point these numbers decline until around 900 CE, which is said to mark the collapse of the Classic Mayan civilization in general. Among Mayan cities of the Classic period, however, some were noted to have peaked and collapsed as early as 600 CE, while others persisted much longer, such as Chichen Itza (around 1250 CE). 4

The end of the Classic Maya period was not the end of Mayan civilization itself, because Spanish explorers such as Cortes encountered Mayan resistance as they established their presence in the area. While diseases introduced by the Spanish occupation eventually brought the survivors’ numbers down to an estimated 3,000 in 1714 CE5, the Spanish occupation itself was not a significant factor in the decline of a civilization which had already reached its zenith and collapsed centuries before.

Although the Spaniards’ religious fervor drove them to destroy several of the Mayan manuscripts out of fear of paganism, the surviving written records have enabled archeologists to understand much about the Mayan writing system, and the explorers’ own documentation of the Maya have proved helpful to scholars6. Modern scientific methods have enabled us to understand a great deal about the factors that may have undermined such an advanced society and brought about its downfall.

Located at latitudes of 17o to 22o north of the equator, rainfall in the land of the ancient Maya is seasonal and unpredictable, and hence in reality, the habitat of the Mayan civilization can be most accurately described as a seasonal rainforest or desert7. Rainfall varies with location, from 500 mm a year along the north coast, to 4,000 mm a year in some southern areas8. Due to the unpredictable timing and amount of rain in any given season, even modern farmers have frequently encountered difficulties in growing crops.

The Maya obviously succeeded in their agricultural efforts for a long time, and cities such as Tikal even show evidence of the construction of cisterns and reservoirs to store water in times of drought9. However, considering the high population density of Classic Mayan cities at their peak, even with their successful agriculture and ability to store water reserves in times of drought, the Maya would still have been vulnerable to severe, prolonged drought – perhaps enough to send them into collapse.

To find records of what the climate in the Mayan homeland was like at that time, geologists from the University of Florida gathered sediment cores from several lakes in the Yucatan area and analyzed the patterns of deposition, which indicate that the driest interval in the region in the past 7,000 years had coincided with the collapse of the Classic Maya civilization, between 800-1000 CE. A further study by Larry Peterson and Gerald Haug used x-ray fluorescence to analyze oceanic sediment cores.

Titanium and iron deposits in the sediment were used as indicators of rainfall, because these elements originate predominantly from continental rocks and thus a high amount of titanium and iron deposits would reflect on a high volume of rainfall on land in that year. The results corroborated the previous study that had been made using freshwater sediments, indicating an unusually long and severe drought during the period of Classic Maya collapse10. Despite this evidence, the drought theory behind the collapse of Classic Mayan civilization remains far from providing a complete and thoroughly satisfactory explanation.

It fails to account for the previously mentioned differences in the dates of collapse of cities that lay within the same region and presumably suffered from the same drought. It has been suggested that the first cities to fall to the drought were more vulnerable by virtue of location, being less proximate to natural bodies of water, such as springs and rivers. This could then lead to warfare between cities due to competition for scant resources, and since the Mayan cities never were united into a single empire, it is likely that such warfare may have greatly destabilized Mayan society.

As with other cases of collapsed societies throughout history, it is likely that multiple causes, of which drought was the most significant but by no means the only one, contrived to bring about the fall of the advanced Mayan society. Another society that was founded, peaked, and collapsed close to our modern day home would be the Anasazi of Chaco Canyon. This society had collapsed well before the arrival of Columbus, but unlike the Maya, left behind no written records. What is known about the Anasazi comes from using a combination of scientific methods to analyze what remains of their society.

The Native Americans who first settled the U. S. Southwest faced a problem that is still obvious today. This region has very low and unpredictable rainfall. Drought is often cited as the obvious major reason for Anasazi society’s collapse, but recent studies indicate that the Anasazi sites themselves may still have been able to sustain a population at the time of their abandonment. 11 In the study of the decline and collapse of Anasazi society, archeologists have relied heavily on a few methods of analysis.

One lies in the field of dendrochronology and is particularly useful since the Anasazi, particularly at Chaco Canyon, made heavy use of timber for their construction. Using the thickness of individual tree rings from a particular piece of timber, dendrochronologists are able match patterns in the rings of different trees from the same region. By comparing several different trees in this manner, dendrochronologists are able to correctly associate each ring with a specific year, starting from trees in the present day and dating back for thousands of years.

Dendrochronological studies thus present highly detailed information regarding the weather patterns of the U. S. Southwest and can indicate not only years of high rainfall or drought, but also the amount of rainfall and the season within a particular year during which the rain fell12. Scientists have also analyzed the contents of pack rat middens to gain insight into the local vegetation. Pack rats (Neotoma spp. ) are rodents that have lived in the area for thousands of years, and gather vegetation and other organic material from within their small territorial range, preserving it in their nests, called ‘middens’.

Pack rat midden analysis has allowed scientists to determine that the initial area around Chaco Canyon was forested with pinyon and juniper trees which no longer grow today in the vicinity, and led to the conclusion that the Anasazi of Chaco Canyon had deforested their surrounding woodland for firewood to fuel their pottery making, and for construction material as Chaco became an effective political and religious center for the Anasazi society. 3 Furthermore, studies of strontium isotopes in other types of wood used at Chaco indicate that several conifer logs had actually been imported from more distant areas such as the Chuska and San Mateo mountains, presumably after Chaco itself had been deforested. 14 It is believed that this deforestation led to irreversible nutrient loss in the soil of the Chaco area, which is further strengthened by studies of food remains at archeological sites.

These remains indicate that as the food supply in Chaco deteriorated, its inhabitants resorted to eating rabbits and mice, and eventually cannibalism, as evidenced by boiled human bones with smooth ends and human muscle protein found in preserved dried human feces. 15 It is probable that cannibalism came with social unrest, possibly a revolt by the providers of Chaco Canyon against the elite, and that together with these factors, a drought (dated by tree rings to around 1130 CE) pushed Anasazi society at Chaco past its limits.

Numbering at possibly 5,000 or more at their peak, the Chaco Anasazi had already exhausted and deforested their environment, and likely fought amongst themselves for the remaining resources. The final example I choose to discuss is the collapse of the Norse settlement of Greenland. Greenland is a harsh and fragile environment, but at the time of the Norse occupation around 980 CE, it was experiencing a relatively warm period that lasted from 800 – 1300 CE, ending with the start of the Little Ice Age.

Information about Greenland’s climate is derived from palynological studies, wherein scientists analyze pollen found in mud deposits extracted from the bottom of lakes and bogs, and ice core studies. Pollen studies reveal what sort of plants were growing in the area, and can reveal subtle shifts in climate when pollen from cold-tolerant species is prevalent.

Similar to dendrochronology, ice core studies reveal the amount of snowfall within a year, and by using a mass spectrometer it is possible to analyze the content of oxygen isotopes within a layer of snow, with the ratios of these isotopes indicating the average climate during that year. Ice cores can also reveal how stormy the year was in which the snow fell by analyzing concentrations of sodium and calcium ions, which are brought inland by sea spray. 16 By 1000 CE the Norse had settled Greenland in two different areas with a total population of around 5,000.

They relied on hay farming to feed their livestock, which consisted of goats, sheep, and cows, but due to the length and severity of their winters, they were forced to estimate how many animals they could support with their stockpiled hay, and slaughter the remainder. If the winter lasted longer than expected, the consequences could obviously lead to the starvation and death of the few remaining livestock. Their pastoral lifestyle, use of turf for buildings, and need for firewood demanded the clearing of native vegetation, and livestock trampling hampered the regeneration of trees.

Palynological studies support the conclusion that the Norse had deforested the environment and caused soil erosion, with the decline of pollen from willow and birch trees as well as the presence of topsoil at the bottom of lakes indicating the loss of plant cover and soil. The loss of abundant lumber resulted in the halting of construction involving wood, and the lack of firewood limited the Norse in their efforts to pasteurize dairy products and extract iron for their implements.

Unlike the Norse, the Inuit who settled Greenland in about 1200 CE managed to exploit the resources of the sea with their kayaks, hunting plentiful fish (which the Norse oddly refused to eat, as evidenced by the complete lack of fish remains in garbage) and whales, whose blubber could be used for fuel and warmth. Possible hostile contact between the Norse and Inuit may also have led to the decline of Norse society on Greenland, because it prevented the Norse from peacefully interacting with their neighbors and learning from them how to adapt to the extreme conditions.

Another factor that weakened the Norse settlement was the increasing difficulty of transportation, and hence trade and communication, across the sea with mainland Norway, as the cold weather brought by the Little Ice Age set in and ice began to make seafaring dangerous. 17 Summarized concisely in the words of Jared Diamond, the Norse settlement of Greenland collapsed due to “environmental damage, climate change, loss of friendly contacts with Norway, rise of hostile contacts with the Inuit, and the political, economic, social, and cultural setting of the Greenland Norse. ”18

The Clash of Civilizations? It is Samuel Huntington’s opinion that conflict in the post-Cold War world would be caused by cultural differences, conflicts amongst nations and groups of different civilizations. In today’s time, it is more common to group countries in terms of their civilization aspects, such as religion or culture, versus that of their economic systems. Huntington explained how interaction amongst the different civilizations will shape the world we live in and any conflicts will occur amongst the differences of each civilization. Huntington gives five reasons for his beliefs. The first reason is because civilizations are basic.

The differences occur amongst traditions, culture, language, religion, etc. Secondly, civilizations are seeing increase interaction so people are becoming more aware of those differences. Third, economic transformation and social change are changing how people view certain civilizations from the way they may have been viewed before. Fourth, the West has caused an increase of more people being familiar of other civilizations. Fourth, the differences and characteristics of civilizations are less changeable; those of one civilization cannot simply become part of another civilization. Finally, there is an increase in economic regionalism.

Similar to the second point, there is an increase interaction amongst civilizations. Trade has increased, making people dependent upon other civilizations to lead to their success. Huntington uses the Cold War as the time period where the differences between civilizations would cause conflict, replacing the differences between political or ideological boundaries. Huntington breaks the world into “major civilizations”, The West, Latin America, The Orthodox, The Eastern World, The Muslim World of the greater Middle East, The civilization of sub-Saharan Africa, “Lone” countries, and “Cleft” countries.

Huntington explains how the West is a superpower compared to other civilizations and it is often reflected in global decisions, such as that of the International Monetary Fund, going in favor of the West. This allows the West to control the world, not only with their interests, but with their beliefs as well. As a result, there is conflict amongst the West and other civilizations. As we compare this article to today’s world in 2012, I believe that issues that are arising are differences in civilization beliefs.

Huntington’s hypothesis, in my opinion has been proven true. For example, The West believes in equality, freedom of speech, human rights, etc. Was that not the entire purpose for entering Iraq, to eliminate the power of Saddam Hussein, who did not have any beliefs of the Western ways? The West is truly a powerhouse who believes the world should operate as they do which I do not believe will change. Civilizations have held strong in their beliefs; especially comparing The West to other civilizations, leaving tension amongst them.

Alexia Deleers Mr. Dimeck AP World History 14 January 2013 The Age of the Trading World The technological advances and discoveries of spices in the Asian continent set the stage for the emergence of world commerce. Being fascinated by the new toys of the East, the West was determined to be a part of what would soon be a global trading market. With new goods being discovered in specific places, those who did not have those goods were ever more eager to obtain them, and the only way this could be done was through trading routes.

Thus surfaced many trading routes that would facilitate the trading of goods all over the world. Two significant trading routes that united the world were the Silk Road and the Indian Ocean Trade Network where each route had it’s positive as well as negative characteristics. The Silk Road Trade was a long network of interlinking trade routes that traveled from China to Western countries specifically European nations. This trading route provided tremendous economic benefits for China as silk was one of the main products that was traded over the road hence the name of the trade route.

Although silk was a major trade, the Silk Road also filtered printing, gunpowder, the compass and more goods from the East into Europe. The Silk Road promoted cultural diffusion as many religions from the West were introduced to Chinese civilizations; from the seventh century AD, Arab Muslims traveled to China via the Silk Road to spread Islam. The road was a great contributor to the cultural, economical, and political exchange between the China and the West and increased trade among many civilizations which ultimately allowed them to expand their possibilities.

The expansion of possibilities was also capable through the Indian Ocean Trade which was a sea route predominantly between East Africa and India that led through many Spice Islands. The Indian Ocean Trade was known as the world’s richest maritime trading network. During the early Indian Ocean Trade, trade was only made between East Africa and Arabs from Asia. Trade between these two areas was made easy by the monsoon winds that circulated between Asia and the Eastern coast as winds blew north to south and back to north in a circular manner. The winds would change direction with the seasons.

Eastern Africa’s exports in the Indian Ocean Trade consisted of gold, ivory, and iron. These goods were sold at high prices given they were scarce in the Asian world. East African city states were willing to pay a large amount of money for their imports which were goods such as silk, cotton, and porcelain. The small city states that emerged on the coast of Africa traded inland with other great African Kingdoms. Both trading routes were superior to each other in different ways. The Silk Road, although a violent trading network, was a major contributor to the spread of religions and cultures all over the world.

Being a land route, interactions between different peoples was inevitable. On the other hand, the Indian Ocean trade network was a safer one and one that was known as the route of knowledge and academics. This route was able to transport a larger amount of goods from place to place due to the help of large ships. Both routes led economies of trading countries to grow and become more knowledgeable about trading. The Silk Road Network and the Indian Ocean Trade network united the world and were routes that changed the world trading system and the dynamic of the world forever.