European Union

May 2014 In today’s world, it seems like there is “bad” news everywhere in the world. Ukraine is one location where they have been having turmoil. Recently, Ukraine has had some complications with intergovernmental protesters, sometimes it led to death. These protestors are trying to have their voices heard regarding President Victor Hancock rejection to the agreement with the European union in November 2013; it was said that there were stronger ties with Russia, The protestors were outraged because they wanted to Integrate with Europe. Some protestors believed that

Hancock was striving for power and wasn’t serving the interests of his people. Hancock actually signed into law ten interposes laws that the Parliament of Ukraine created. This will take away freedom of speech; affect the non-governmental organizations, as well as many others. This seems to make sense when you look at the history of the Ukraine. For centuries, there have battles over Ukrainian position between East and West. In the 17th century, Eastern Ukraine was under Russia imperial rule. In the west there were shifting control of European powers, such as Poland and the Castro-Hungarian

Empire. This might help explain why the west is more likely to choose “Western- leaning politicians” (Contact) and is more Ukraine-speaking with a Catholic influence; whereas, the east is more Russian-speaking and Orthodox. Throughout the earlier years, Ukraine has been overtaken by competing powers and a division was being made. The division was amongst the peoples’ beliefs and views; some saw the rule of the Russia imperial and Soviet union was a good thing, while others believed it was a tragedy. In the 16 the and 17th century it seemed that Poland had some control, but not after a war between

Dastard of Russia and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In the asses, Soviet leader Joseph Stalin led millions to their deaths through starvation. In order for him to repopulate the east, he brought In large numbers of Russians and soviet citizens, who spoke no Ukrainian and had no ties to the region. Looking at a map, it seems like there is a natural divide between the south/east and the north/west, which are known as the steppes, where the southern and eastern portions are more farming land and the northern and westerns are more forests.

The protests In the Ukraine have created uproar for the country and have turned Into much more than what was expected. It seemed to start out about Europe, but now It seems more like “protests over democracy and the end of corruption” (Contact). Many people want the corruption to end and a new president to be assigned. There is also a political division between the older and younger generations. The European Union said that becoming a member could be worth billions of euros, which would help their economy. The E also wants to help clean up the damages (BBS) on democracy and human rights.

The European Commission has four main rules:

1. Proposing new legislations to the Parliament and the Court. It is important that these proposals are aimed to defend the interest of the Union and its citizens, and not only for specific countries or industries.

2. It is responsible for supervising the budget under the watchful eye of the Court. It also has to manage the policies which are adopted by the Parliament and Council.

3. They have to make sure that the law in every European country is properly applied.

4. Representing the EU on the international stage. It makes sure that the member states can speak with one voice (Europa.eu, 2009).

Explain why the system of Qualified Majority Voting (QMV) in the Council of Ministers has become more important in the decision-making process

Assuming a measure is opposed by Britain, Italy and Ireland, which together wield 23 votes, these have more power than smaller countries. Since a blocking majority consists of 26 votes, the power of Denmark or Finland (each with three votes) to determine the Council’s decision on the measure becomes infinitely greater than Luxembourg’s (with only two votes). A small country can exert enormous leverage on its larger colleagues when it can use its votes to transform an existing coalition into a qualified majority or blocking majority (Peterson and Bomberg, 1999, p.51-52).

Why and how has the role of the European Parliament become more significant in the decision-making process

The European Parliament works aside the Council of Ministers to make decisions, therefore Parliament amendments are now influenced by the European Parliament in the decision-making process. It is more involved under two procedures, co-decision and cooperation with the Council of Ministers. This procedure was introduced by the EC Treaty of Maastricht and was largely expanded by the Amsterdam and Nice alteration of the TEC. Now the procedure is applied to practically all important matters (Europedia, 2009).

With the cooperation procedure, introduced in the SEA, the Council becomes more influenced. If the EP has different opinions to what the Council proposes in a specific legislation, further discussion and modifications can be undertaken. Today this procedure will only be applied in limited areas of economic and monetary unions. Under the co-decision procedure now fall the vast majority of EU legislations that were introduced by the Maastricht, Amsterdam and Nice Treaties. In this procedure the EP has more power to veto against some decisions from the Council. If they can not agree with each other, the legislation will fail to exist (Bomberg E. and Stubb A., 2005, p. 59).

To what extent will changes to decision making procedures outline in the Lisbon Treaty (2007) improve the legislation process within the EU

Firstly, it generalises the qualified majority voting in a normal legislative process. Secondly, the weight of the votes will change in the Council and significantly simplify the system of qualified majority. From the 1st of November 2014, the qualified majority has to be at least 55 % of the members of the Council, including a minimum of fifteen of them and representing Member States involving a minimum of 65 % of the inhabitants of the Union. A blocking majority must have a minimum of four Council members, and the qualified majority will be reached. The new voting system values the fairness of Member States as each one has one vote in respect of the first decisive factor and the second criteria is the population size of a country. The third criteria which must be noted is that 15 Member States in support of the proposal – is unnecessary

(Europedia, 2009).

Current decisions about roaming fees and the services directive demonstrate how the European Parliament’s membership guides take decisions, which are in the interest of the European citizens. Henceforward, the European Parliament will have the same power as the Council of Ministers in many areas. Regarding the agricultural policy, the Parliament will be able to contribute to it. The EP will therefore take part in all aspects of the EU budget. The national Parliament will play a role prior to the acceptance of EU legislation and will be adept to force the Commission to modify draft EU-legislations. It will be a milestone to bringing the EU nearer to its citizens (TheEuros, 2007).

In what ways do lobbying groups contribute to the policy process in the EU and why are they significant for business

In 2008, there were 15,000 lobbyists and 2,500 lobbying organisations in Brussels. In the EU, the Lobbyist usually drops into one of three major groups: industry associations, regional representations and non-governmental organisations / interest groups. Interest groups and industry associations focus on influencing decision-making processes for the benefit of their members, while also gathering and disseminating useful information. In distinction, regional lobby groups stand for regional and local authorities within EU Member States, they do not focus on direct lobbying, but on networking, informing and marketing their regions all the way through the EU machinery (Stevenson, 2008, p.1).

One of the most important issues in front of interests groups is the hanging balance of power between European Institutions. Enlargement of qualified majority voting in the Council take the veto power from Member States in some economic areas, the co-decision process gave the European Parliament a bigger role in decision-making and the power to reject legislation that the Council favours. Interest groups style alliances in order to give the issue a true European dimension and perspective. The EU today manages important policies such as the Common Agriculture Policy, telecommunication, the negotiation in the World Trade Organisation, food safety, public health and transport. Business groups account for almost two-thirds of all Eurogroups (Lehmann, 2003, p.5-21).

Lobbying is significant for the business, because the firms can influence on the government’s decisions.

Levi Strauss & Co. for example, relies on Guatemala for materials such as textiles. In 2001, the U.S. government denied Guatemala duty-free status for its imports due to the Latin America government’s decision to adequately implement labor laws. This would have increased Levi Strauss’s costs, so it had a clear business interest in dominating, “Rather than lobby the U.S. government to retain Guatemala’s preferential trade status” the author writes, Levi’s choose to attack the cause of the problem: the Guatemala’s lack of labour laws. The result: Guatemala put into operation stronger labor laws as a result it continues to have protected trade status with the United States (Is ‘Lobbying for Good’ CSR’s Missing Link?, 2009).

Critically assess the forces which are influencing the shape of a ‘new European urban hierarchy” (Hall, 1993). Use case studies to illustrate and assess how individual cities are positioning themselves in this new spatial order. Throughout Europe, cities and regions have launched on a path of competitive redevelopment by means of a variety of strategies, ranging from large-scale mega developments and integrated action plans to community- based local re-conversion efforts.

These schemes are spread over the European urban and regional landscape, operating in a variety of regulatory, political and socio-economic contexts, welfare regimes and public policy frameworks and combine private and public initiatives and finances in a great diversity of institutional framework. However, they are comparable in the sense that they are inserted in and grapple with epochal global trends and attempt to re-assert their position in the new global economic competitive climate and its associated technological, cultural and social transformations.

Each of these produces a series of profound mechanisms of exclusion/integration and, at the end of the day, it is such activities, which shape or moderate the process of polarization and exclusion itself. The 1980″s saw competition between European cities for mobile investment in a variety of ways. Multinational enterprises boosted this competition through looking at the location of new productive plants and offices, this therefore saw city governments promoting and marketing themselves in a more beneficial way in an effort to be a magnet for inward investment.

They saw ways to ‘Hall mark” events such as major sporting events; cultural festivals and trade fairs which can all have considerable economic effects. I will be looking at Barcelona, Dublin and Lille and at the different strategies they have used to respond to global, economic pressures within and between cities in positioning themselves in the European urban hierarchy and the changes that have taken place. Differences in infrastructure and human capital are widely recognised as contributing significantly to variations in regional competitiveness.

The economically stronger and more prosperous regions of the Community are generally more richly endowed with more resources, while the lagging regions typically have serious deficiencies (Commission of the European Community, 1994, p. 65). All major cities have become actively involved in what has been termed ‘city marketing”. There are ways in which academics have sought to identify cities from the best to the worst, this has been established through “league tables. From these league tables the cities to be at the most highest are obviously seen as the most appealing cities to live in and also for investment.

Rankings are made on the basis of economic variables such as gross domestic product per head, the unemployment rate, pressure for the demand for space or the proportion of the workforce employed in higher-order occupations. Quality of life is measured in ways such as education, health care, cultural or leisure facilities and environmental variables. “A new geography of Europe is emerging which ignores national frontiers. The most successful cities are located in what Hall termed ‘the blue Banana”.

Cities in the core derive considerable scale economics and access advantages whilst cities in the periphery do not and must bare substantial distance costs” (Lever 1992:936) The core banana covers the cities of London, Paris, Brussels, Amsterdam, Cologne, Frankfurt, Munich and Milan. A subsidiary core banana has developed which encompasses Mediterranean cities like Barcelona, Marseilles and Nice and which is connected to the first banana through the Alpine region. Most of the successful or those furthest up the hierarchy are located within these regionalised cores.

These advantages have resulted in growth due to the specialised high technology manufacture and information processing. The Commission of the European Communities has pointed there are weaknesses which are forcing investors to move out; the high costs of wages and land and also the congestion and pollution. They also stated that the older urban centres in the core have older populations and will in time undergo a demographic decline whereas the younger populations of the periphery will engender further progress. There is not a single urban hierarchy in Europe.

Rather there are a number of overlapping hierarchies, which centre on particular functions…. Each urban area is in competition with a range of others according to the economic function and the sphere of influence – global, national, or regional – at which it performs its specialisms (Commission of the European Community, 1994, p. 44). The paradox in this statement illustrates the crucial point in the debate about territorial competition within the European urban system. It is not the urban areas themselves that are directly in competition, but the economic specialisms and functions, which operate from within them.

The locations of economic activities – new production and service facilities, international institutions and major cultural and sporting events – are also a function of an urban area’s social capital. The externalities generated by the degree and level of social capital are the basis for urban areas competing for the location of economic activities in the first instance and maintaining them locally in the second. However, it is the leading edge or specialist activities, contained within city-regions, which compete within the global or international economy.

Given the regionally networked nature of international production and service provision, there is also a degree of complementarily. Urban policy in Lille centres on the improvement of the competitive position and the development of large-scale operations that are capable of improving the urban image and of attracting external investments. Eurolille is a large –scale commercial quarter which has included many different policy domains; job creation, education, development of urban space for new activities and function, new industries, neighbourhood revitalisation and improvement of security.

The creation of the retail business centre Eurolille also led to the redistribution of commercial spaces in the city itself. The policies of urban regeneration and the struggle against social exclusion in the Lille metropolis reflect these institutional and strategic transformations. Their analysis helps to understand the process that led to the realisation of Eurolille. The most generic procedure put forward by the Ministere de la Ville and the Delegation Interministerielle a la Ville is the Contrat de Ville (CDV).

The main objective of this procedure is to combat urban exclusion at the level of “priority-targeted” neighbourhoods and at the level of the agglomeration on the other. Actions for social assistance aiming at improving daily life as well structural actions involving large-scale urban operations (roads, improvement of the housing stock) are launched. “Lille could expect substantial economic benefits from its position on the TGV network” (Newman and Thorney 1996: 190) The construction of the TGV station in the centre of Lille in 1994 plays a key-role in this strategy of regenerating the Lille metropolis.

The subsequent construction of an international business centre must put Lille at the heart of a Northern European transportation network and provide the metropolis with an important international role. This, in turn, should help to attract external investments, to create a pole of advanced business services; and will make the metropolitan and regional economy much more dynamic. The advent of the Channel Tunnel and the high-speed train network in France, has also improved its attractiveness.

Barcelona is a Mediterranean city, the heart of the industrialization and the social, political, and cultural movements of contemporary Spain. The city has remarkable evidence of moving from profound economic crisis in 1980 to a city with a strong image. The high degree of private investment in the projects related to the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games corresponds to the great expectation created by the attractiveness of the city of Barcelona. “The Olympic games bought the attention of the world to Barcelona” (Newman and Thornley 1996:91)

Among the physical impacts – which per se can have important economic effects – is the impact on urbanism. The change in the urban model can be seen immediately by comparing the density of traffic in 1990 before the ring roads were built, with the density of 1993, after the opening of the Dalt and Litoral ring roads. The changes in traffic due to the effect of these roads was one of the most synthetic expressions of the impact of the Olympic Games on the city. European integration strengthens the Western Mediterranean region, as a bridge between the centre and the south of Europe.

In this context, Barcelona also has another powerful attraction: its metropolitan area, found in a central axis of European communications. Barcelona is thus an excellent location for head offices and its metropolitan area excellent for the introduction of their plants. The possibilities of capitalizing on the Olympic impulse, consolidating its new role as a service centre specialized in activities with high surplus value, seems clear. The build up to the Games brought about further impact on the city fabric, not least because it led to a massive increase in speculation on land values, and housing prices soared.

There was a substantial growth in the number of properties available, which contrasted drastically with a birth rate at a record low, not to mention its negative migratory balance. Despite these facts nothing held down the rise in property prices for both home ownership and rent. Dublin as the national capital and primate city in Ireland has produced both renaissance flagship urban development projects and socio-spatially excluded communities in the drive to modernise and compete with other comparable cities in the newly emerging urban hierarchy of the European Union.

The CHDDA International Financial Services Centre (IFSC) Urban Regeneration project is one of the main projects designed to enhance the city”s image and competitive position in the international urban arena. The urban renewal act of 1988, set out a process for model of regeneration in Dublin. With 23 property developers and 30 urban planners many changes were made to the city of Dublin. Since the 1980″s Dublin has turned around and has been extremely successful from investments and has become a magnet for tourists.

The IFSC represents an important attempt by the Irish government and the Industrial Development Authority (IDA) to reposition Ireland in the international division of labour from national primate city to peripheral world city. It seeks to avail of some of the benefits of the hypermobility of capital within the economy of the international financial system. Dublin”s IFSC has developed a niche for itself in the international division of financial services by focusing on back office banking operations and corporate treasury activities.

Although no rival to London or New York, Dublin”s ‘niche” has strong global dimensions. Temple Bar was one of the key areas to receive European funding. A variety of cultural facilities, ranging from the National Film Centre, Children’s Theatre, Music Centres, Art Galleries, all received major European funding. This contributed hugely to its capital programme. In addition, it had much better financial incentives than elsewhere in the City Centre. This concentration of European Funding and Government Tax Incentives within a relatively small area has been the financial power behind the scheme.

Dublin Corporation has embarked on a major regeneration project for a historic part of the city from O’Connell Street westwards towards the Phoenix Park – one of the key areas in the old Abercrombie/Sydney Kelly plan – H. A. R. P. – Historic Area Regeneration Project. It covers a large part of the inner north city and includes the city markets area, major shopping centres, important public buildings, long established residential communities, areas of dereliction and many socially deprived areas. It also includes major civic elements, like the North Quays and Smithfield.

The new light rail transport system – LUAS, will pass through the area and this should have a strong economic effect. Policy tools can be applied in various combinations to manage change in practice and to attempt to achieve sustainable development. The development and implementation of city-wide environmental strategies and action plans require effective community participation and partnership mechanisms, as called for in the Local Agenda 21 programme. Local Agenda 21 is essentially a strategic process of encouraging and controlling sustainable development.

The development, management and implementation of this process requires all the skills and tools that can be brought to bear by a local authority and its community. “Cities are not just passive places in which international capital or prestigious functions locate, but in the new global competition for economic growth, have themselves become important factors in creating opportunities for economic development and influencing the new urban hierarchy” (Newman and Thornley 1996:16) Cities have been positioning themselves in this ‘new urban hierarchy” through the marketing strategies and construction of new images.

This has taken place by many cultural activities and symbols all of which try to enhance the European world ranking of cities. Cities are obliged to adapt themselves rapidly to constant changes in economy and in other sectors. It is essential not to forget that this new form of development implies a danger to create a bigger division than the one that already exists inside urban societies. One of the key elements in this adaptation process to new changes is that cities must have a permanent and flexible educational and training system able to adapt itself rapidly to each moment circumstances.

In 1538, the principality became a tributary to the Ottoman Empire, but it retained internal and partial external autonomy. In 1600, inhabitants of the Romanian provinces saw for the first time their dream of reunification as reality. Michael the Brave leaded simultaneously the Romanian principalities of Wallachia, Moldova and Transilvania for one year. In 1812, despite numerous protests by Moldavan nobles on behalf of their autonomous status, the Ottoman Empire ceded to the Russian Empire the eastern half of the territory of the Principality of Moldavia along with Hotin and Budgeac.

The next 106 years, Romanians from Basarabia were under continues Russification and Romanian language was gradually removed from official and religious use. Basarabia proclaimed independence from Russia on February 6, 1918, and on April 9, 1918 united with the Kingdom of Romania. In August 1939, the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and its secret additional protocol were signed, by which Nazi Germany recognized Basarabia as being within the Soviet sphere of influence, which led the latter to actively revive its claim to the region.

On June 28, 1940, the Soviet Union, with the acknowledgement of the Nazi Germany, issued an ultimatum to Romania requesting the cession of Basarabia and northern Bucovina, with which Romania complied the following day. The Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic was established and Moldova became a tiny part of the “Evil Empire”. During the Soviet period, deportations of locals to the northern Urals, to Siberia, and northern Kazakhstan occurred regularly. Other forms of Soviet persecution of the population included 32,433 political arrests, followed by Gulag (in 8,360 cases) or execution and collectivization.

In 1944-53, there were several anti-Soviet resistance groups in Moldova; however the NKVD and later MGB managed to eventually arrest, execute or deport their members. Official Soviet policy asserted that the language spoken by Moldovans was distinct from the Romanian language (“Moldovenism”). To distinguish the two, during the Soviet period, Moldovan was written in the Cyrillic alphabet, in contrast with Romanian, which was written in the Latin alphabet.

On August 27, 1989, the Popular Front of Moldova organized a mass demonstration in Chisinau, that became known as the Grand National Assembly, which pressured the authorities of the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic to adopt a language law on August 31, 1989 that proclaimed the Moldovan language written in the Latin script to be the state language. Its identity with the Romanian language was also established. 2. From RSSM to Republic of Moldova The third richest colony of Soviet Union, Moldova, obtained its independence in 1991 and in just 20 years managed to become the poorest country in Europe.

After the breakup of Soviet Union in 1991, Moldova found itself in a new reality. In 1990, 5 Moldovan districts with less than 1 million inhabitants, located on the left side of river Nistru, declared their independence. Tensions between the Moldovan government and the breakaway Transnistria Republic escalated into a military conflict that started in March 1992 and was concluded by a ceasefire in July 1992. Transnistria’s sovereignty is not recognized by any member of the United Nations and it has no official diplomatic relations with any of those states.

Nevertheless, Russia is great supporter of Transnistria and other self-declared independent territories of the former Soviet Union countries (Abhazia, South Osetia). Transnistria accounts for 40% of Moldovan GDP, the main part of the Moldovan industry is located on the left side of the Nistru, and therefore it is a strategic region for Moldova. Transnistria is still under the control of Russian 14th Army, which constitutes a serious violation of International Public Law and of the 1999 Istanbul Agreements.

On July 8, 2004, the European Court of Human Rights stated in a ruling that the Russian army “stationed in Moldovan territory [is] in breach of the undertakings to withdraw them completely given by Russia at the OSCE summits in 1999 and 2001. ” Even with domestic conflicts and tensions, Moldova had to establish its state institutions and undertake a complex process of social and economic reforms. Moldova established its diplomatic relations with other countries and organizations, including European Union (EU). Despite the relative short period of cooperation between Moldova and EU, these relations were marked by striking “ups and downs”. . Moldova’s relations with EU For the purpose of this paper, I would like to distinguish between following stages of Moldova- EU relations: 1. 1991-1998 – “wait and see” period 2. 1998-2008 – “two steps forward and one back”, 3. 2009-2010 – “twitter revolution”- turning point in Moldova – EU relations 4. November, 28th 2010 in Moldova will be held the Parliamentary elections which are crucial for Moldova’s European future. 3. 1. 1991-1998 – “wait and see” period The first framework for EU-Moldova relations was provided by TACIS (Technical Assistance for Commonwealth of Independent States).

TACIS was established in 1991 and provided grant-financed technical assistance to 12 former USSR countries, except Baltic countries, to help in their transition to democratic, market-oriented economies. TACIS was not a bilateral agreement between Moldova and EU, it was drawn by EU as a common tool for 12 former USSR colonies aimed at enhancing the transition process. In 1994 Moldova and EU signed first bilateral Agreement, the so-called Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA), which entered into force in 1998. While this ramework agreement was passing through a cumbersome ratification procedure by the EU member states, Moldovan President P. Lucinschi expressed, by successive official letters addressed to the President of European Commission and to all EU heads of states and governments, the aspiration of Moldova to become an associate member of the EU. Though no formal answer followed, through different channels it was suggested that before passing to the associate stage a full implementation of the EU-Moldova PCA was necessary. 3. 2. 1998-2008 – “two steps forward and one back”

During this period Moldova-EU relations gained more consistency, but the relations were marked by changing of the power in Chisinau. The communist Party won the Parliamentary elections in 2001 with 50, 07 % and in 2005 with 45, 98 %. From 2001 to 2008 the Communist Government promoted the so-called ‘facade Europeanization’. Moldova had double standard messages for Brussels and Moscow, the promotion of European values and democracy were done just to gain more voters. No wonder all the actions which aimed to bring Moldova closer to EU were undertaken at the end of the first Communist mandate (2005).

In March, 2003 – EU and USA introduced a visa ban against self-declared Transnistria leaders. After the Eastern enlargement of EU in 2004, EU launched the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP). The objective of the ENP is to share the benefits of the EU enlargement with neighboring countries. ENP was intended to offer a privileged relationship to EU’s neighbors, which will build on mutual commitment the common values principally within the fields of the rule of law, the respect for human rights, the principles of market economy and sustainable development.

ENP was intended to be an incentive for Europe’s neighbors to pursue reforms and to import the EU’s values and practice as the candidates states do. In February, 2005, in the framework of ENP, Moldova and EU signed the Action Plan, which initially was intended to be for 3 years, but eventually it was extended by one year more. Among the objectives of the Action Plan, I would like to mention: the strengthen of the institutions guaranteeing democracy, rule of law and respect for human rights, promoting economic reform, improving living conditions, etc.

The Action Plan supported efforts to achieve a lasting resolution of the Transnistria problem. In October 2005, the EU has been invited to join the mediation process as observers in the so-called 5+2 format. Moldova, Transnistria, OSCE, Russia and Ukraine are mediators, while USA and EU are observers. In my opinion this format is not functional and needs to be changed. There is a big question mark whether all of the mediators are engaged in a fair process of mediation and can ensure a resolution of Transnistria conflict and in the same time the territorial integrity of Moldova.

The format 5+2 is not balanced, because Russia and Ukraine (officially and/or non-officially) support Transnistria, OSCE is mainly controlled by Russia, EU and US having the status of observers, cannot intervene in the mediation process and at the end of the day, Moldova does not have the necessary levers to sustain its points during the mediation. This question was recently raised by Kalman Mizsei, the European Union Special Representative for Moldova at the OSCE Summit in Vienna on 16-18 October, 2010.

Helping Moldova to ensure full control over its borders and customs territory, the EU has deployed since December 2005 an EU Border Assistance Mission (EUBAM) on the Moldova – Ukraine state border (including the Transnistria sector). Other priorities of EU-Moldova relations include reforming the judiciary system, ensuring respect for freedom of expression and media, cooperating on issues such as migration, fight against trafficking, organized crime, corruption and money laundering, thereby contributing to the long-term objective of sustainable development.

Even if the Action Plan provided certain actions that should be fulfilled by Moldovan Government, it did not have a particular and lasting approach from Moldovan side. Government’s actions often achieve good results at project level, but have less impact at sector and national policy level partly due to a lack of continuity and coherent long-term sector planning. In spite of all the advantages and benefits of ENP, the 2006 spring (when Russia established embargo for the Moldovan wines) pointed out that ENP cannot be compared with political and economic pressure of Russia in Moldova.

In the ENP framework, EU offers immediate and limited benefits and cannot cancel the effects of Russian economic blockade. This is one of reason why EU decided to double financial assistance in Moldova for the period 2007-2010, thus Moldova became the second beneficiary per capita of the EU assistance, after the Palestinian Authority. EU has provided about 210 million euro of assistance to Moldova through European Neighborhood and Partnership Instrument. The ENP and Action Plan brought new dynamics in the relations etween Moldova and EU; extended their cooperation opportunities; specified and detailed co-operation process between parties; updated the areas of dialogue […] However, this is not say that everything went smooth in the implementation process of EU-Moldova Action Plan. While performing quite well on the economic dimensions of the document, Moldovan authorities proved an obvious lack of administrative capacities and unwillingness to promote fully-fledged reforms in crucial areas, such as respect of human rights, freedom of the media, the rule of law, fight against corruption and business environment. . 3. 2009-2010 – “twitter revolution”- turning point in Moldova – EU relations The next period of Moldova-EU relations is directly linked to the events of April 2009 and the so-called “twitter revolution”. On April 5th, 2010 in Moldova were held the Parliamentary elections. For the 3rd time in a row the Communist Party won the elections with 49, 48 %. The opposition parties and civil society organization accused the Communist Party that they rigged the elections.

On 6th and 7th of April, 2009, around 30000 people went into streets to protest against the results of the elections, the number quickly increased due in large part to new technologies and social networks like Facebook, Twitter, Odnoklasniki, etc. A large group of protesters stormed the Parliament and the Presidential Palace vandalizing both buildings and leaving the Parliament in flame.

The Government reaction to the storms was severe, thousands of students were arrested and there were credible reports about mistreatment and torture of detainees, three fatalities were reported in connections with demonstrations and detentions. However, the Communist Party lacked one vote to elect the President and in July 2009 new Parliamentary elections were held. A new government formed by a fragile alliance of liberals and centrist was established after the elections. There was no coincidence in naming the coalition the Alliance for European Integration.

These events brought Moldova back on the EU agenda; the new government started a diplomatic offensive to charm EU capitals and created high expectation in Moldova, especially for the educated, young electorate which tends to see the EU as an opportunity to bypass isolation and poverty. The events in Moldova coincided with the launching of EU Eastern Partnership – an institutionalized forum for discussing visa agreements, free trade deals and strategic partnership agreements with the EU’s Eastern neighbors, while avoiding the controversial topic of accession to EU.

Among the main provisions of the Eastern Partnership: new association agreements including deep and comprehensive free trade agreements, for those willing and ready to take on the far-reaching commitments with the EU that these entail; a conclusion of “mobility and security pacts”, allowing for easier legitimate travel to the EU while at the same time stepping up efforts to combat corruption, organized crime and illegal migration. These pacts would also cover the upgrading asylum systems to EU standards and the establishment of integrated border management structures, etc.

The ultimate long term goal would be full visa liberalization, on a case by case basis, provided that conditions for well-managed and secure mobility are in place; the Commission will study possibilities for labor mobility with aim of further opening of the EU labor market; enhanced energy security in the partner countries themselves and with the European Union, including through support to investment in infrastructure, better regulation, energy efficiency and more efficient early warning systems to prevent disruption of supply; enhanced cooperation on environment and climate issues, etc.

The new Government quickly engaged the country on the pro-European way. The Government gathered support for a new and very ambitious project, called “Rethink Moldova”. The EU, USA, IMF, WB and various EU member states took part in this action and in total $ 2,6 billion are scheduled to help Moldova for 2011-2013. In 2010, the financial assistance from the international organization increased 4 times.

The unconditional supporter of Moldova “Europeanization” is Romania. On November 13th, 2009, Moldova signed the Agreement on Small-Scale border traffic with Romania, which went into effect on February, 25th, 2010. The Agreement permits people who have been residents in the border area of either country for at least a year, to travel in the neighboring state’s border zone without a visa, for 3 months. Another achievement of the pro-European Government from Chisinau is the beginning of negotiations for the Association Agreement and Deep and Comprehensive Trade Agreement with EU.

There were four rounds of negotiations in 2010. Currently, Moldova and EU negotiations focus on four working groups addressing issues that relate to foreign policy, security, justice and economic cooperation. Regarding the “economic cooperation” were closed already 18 of the 22 chapters which have been negotiated. After the last negotiations held in October 2010, Gunnar Wiegand, the head of EU delegation, Director for Eastern Europe, Caucasus and Central Asia, mentioned that:”This year [2010] has been enormous progress in EU-Moldova relations”.

The European official said that after the conclusion of the fourth round of negotiations, the EU will provide some key recommendations for Moldova, concerning the creation of free trade area. After Russia imposed the second embargo on Moldovan wine in 2010, which had catastrophically consequences for Moldovan wine industry (which constitutes 25 % of Moldovan GDP), EU doubled the quota for Moldovan wine. In March, 2010 Moldova joined European Energy Community, which will contribute to the diversification of the energy sources in Moldova.

In just one year, Moldova became a champion in negotiations with EU. Since November 2009 to November 2010 there have been 5 EU Commissioner Visits in Moldova (from 1991 to 2008 just 4 visits). During September – October 2010 Moldova hosted 16 high EU missions. 3. 4. November, 28th 2010 in Moldova will be held the Parliamentary elections. These elections are crucial for Moldova’s future. Moldovans have to choose between continuing the course toward European economic integration or live with the past and the shadow of Soviet Union. 4. Current issues of Moldova – EU relations Watch out, Moldova joins EU through the back door”. During the summer of 2010, many Europeans newspapers as Der Spiegel, The Daily Telegraph, Daily Express, Il Giornale, Le Figaro expressed their concerns about Romania giving “too many” citizenships to Moldova’s inhabitants. I would like to address this issue from Moldovan perspective. In 1940, when USSR by force occupied Moldova, they changed the nationality of the Moldova’s inhabitants from Romanian to “Moldovan” and none of them were asked if they wanted to become Soviet Moldovans.

The political decision of Moscow to create a new identity – “Moldovan”, a new language with Cyrillic alphabet – ”Moldovan” was a continuation of the process of Russification that was started in 1812. But what Soviet Union did not take into account is that, they could not erase a memory of a nation. After the 1991 independence, a lot of Moldovans refused the “Moldovan” identity (written in their ID) as their nationality and sued the Moldovan Government for admitting of the false information in the documents.

All in all, the Romanian citizenship offered by Romania comes as a rehabilitation of historical injustice made to Romanians from Moldova. The process is named re-gain of the citizenship, which means that once, because of the historical circumstances the citizenship was lost but without their will. More than 70 % of the Moldova’s inhabitants could be eligible for Romanian citizenship. There is no statistical data, but unofficially around 300 000 Moldovans have double citizenship: Romanian and Moldovan and there are around other 1 million applications for Romanian citizenship.

The procedure of re-gaining the Romanian citizenship is tough and time consuming (more than 4 years), there is a list of around 20 documents that the applicant has to provide, including certificate of birth of grand-parents, certificate of marriage, criminal records from Moldova and Romania, etc. The applicant has to prove that his grand-parents were born Romanians and he is their descendent.

Moreover, Soviet Union Rusificated the Moldovan’s name by adding the Russian endings like” –va” and “- vici” to the Romanian names and in order to be eligible for Romanian citizenship, the applicant should embrace a bureaucratic and costly process of correcting his name and his parents’ name. A lot of concerns were raised to the number of Romanian citizenships offered to Moldovans, but as we can see in the following table, Romania offers much less citizenships than other EU member states: Table 2: Citizenships offered by selected countries of the EU in 2008:

Another key issue in Moldova – EU negotiations is liberalization of visa regime with EU. I would like to point out that Moldova almost fulfilled the technical requirements for liberalization of visa regime without being asked to (Ukraine did it in 3 years). There were a lot of fears concerning the liberalization of EU-Moldova visa regime, most of them related to illegal immigration. But, a logic exercise of the Moldova reality would show that these fears are not realistic. Moldova has around 4 million inhabitants (including Transnistria).

According to migration studies, the potential migrants are between 20 to 49 years old. In 2009, in Moldova there were 1,677,616 inhabitants between 20 to 49 years old. Therefore, if there was free visa regime between Moldova and EU 1,677,616 of Moldovans would become potential immigrants. Taking into account that around 30 % of Moldovans (~1 mln) already left the country for EU, US, Russia, etc. , the fears of illegal immigration disappear. Moldovans are already in EU, a big majority of them working for 2, 5 and even 8 years without getting a chance to visit their families.

An interesting fact is that just 14 % of Moldovan immigrants plan to settle abroad. The free visa regime between Moldova and EU will improve and legalize the situation of Moldovans who work in EU and also would decrease the illegal immigration (some Moldovans pay 4000 Euro to get to EU). 5. Which way further? An actual question is which way further will Moldova go? Will it stick to its past or it will try to build a European future? It is certainly a question which answer we will found after November elections.

One issue is obvious, the changing of the power in Chisinau brought Moldova back on EU agenda and the international circumstances are very favorable for solving the Transnistria conflict. On 4-5 June, Russia and Germany signed the Meseberg Memorandum. The document proposes creating an EU-Russia Political and Security Policy Committee, to be chaired by the EU’s High Representative for Foreign Policy Catherine Ashton and Russia’s Foreign Affairs Minister Sergei Lavrov, for high-level consultations and decisions.

The committee’s mandate would include “setting ground rules for joint civilian and military crisis management operations by the EU and NATO,” as well as “working out recommendations on various conflicts and crisis situations, to the resolution of which the European Union and Russia may contribute within appropriate multilateral forums. ” On these definitions, the EU-Russia Committee would be vested with greater powers than those of the NATO-Russia Council. It would also institute an EU-Russia policy coordination mechanism, such as the EU does not have with the United States or with NATO.

The German government has identified the conflict in Moldova’s Transnistria region as the issue most likely to demonstrate that the EU can work one-on-one with Russia on European security. In Berlin’s view, Russia should ultimately withdraw its troops from Moldova’s territory and allow Moldova to reunify with Transnistria. In return for cooperating to settle this conflict, Russia could receive a major role in European security affairs, with access to EU decision-making processes via the proposed committee. The German initiative can generate a positive dynamic in the negotiations on Transnistria.

It can also help raise this conflict high on the EU-Russia agenda. After the French-Russian-German summit in Deauville on 18-21 October, 2010, the Russian President, Dmitri Medvedev, for the first time in last 20 years, talked about including Romania in Transnistria negotiation process. Some analysts would argue that this propose is related to the invitation of Romania to participate in South Stream project, instead of Nabucco project. On October 21, 2010, the EU Parliament adopted a Resolution concerning EU-Moldova relations.

The resolution stresses the substantial progress in EU-Moldova relations over the last year and calls on the Commission to swiftly adopt a visa liberalization plan for Moldovan citizens. Parliament also approved the recent initiative launched by German Chancellor Angela Merkel and Russian President Dimitri Medvedev to create an EU-Russia Security Committee to discuss regional issues such as a settlement of the Transnistria conflict. In addition to German support, Moldova also received positive signals from Central East European countries and Baltic countries, as Hungary, Poland, Czech Republic, Estonia, etc.

In September 2010, Moldovan Prime-Minister had a bilateral meeting in Budapest with Hungarian Prime Minister, Viktor Orban. The next month, the Hungarian Prime-Minister visited Moldova and reiterated the Hungarian support for Moldova’s cause. At the beginning of November, the Polish economist Leszek Balcerowicz, famous for his “Shock Therapy” (a method for rapidly transitioning from a communist economy, based on state ownership and central planning, to a capitalist market economy), visited Moldova at the invitation of Moldovan Prime-Minister and expressed his will to share with Moldova Poland’s experience concerning economic transformations.

In conclusion, one issue is evident, the so-called Moldova twitter revolution had changed the European agenda concerning Moldova. Not so long ago, Moldova was seen as a lost country, “black hole of Europe”, “the poorest European country”, “a grey zone under Russian influence” and no one expected the quick change that would bring Moldova in the headlines. The change came from inside the country, from young Moldovans and students, from the so called “twitter generation”, who does not accept a totalitarian regime and wish for a better country to live in.

Synopsis: Polaroid Corporation, headquartered in Cambridge, Massachusetts, was a company marketed a wide variety of instant photographic products for consumers and industries. After the deregulation of US motor industry consolidation of the warehouses in US took place, which resulted in an improved service level and reduced costs.

Overwhelmed by the consolidation results, the management wanted to consolidate the subsidiaries’ warehouses in the Europe to a direct distribution. There were around Twelve European subsidiaries each where headed by general manager. Of that France, Germany, Italy and United Kingdom together have accounted 70 – 80% of the sales. The Polaroid had three primary production areas in Vale of Leven, Scotland, Enschede, Netherlands and one in Cambridge itself. The site at Enschede also served as a central distribution site and export center known as International Distribution center (IDSC) that served all the international subsidiaries.

Each European subsidiary had their own warehouse to cater as a buffer and for customizing the orders, special packaging and rush orders. As the measures for the economic integration of the European Community also made the direct distribution as an impetus option which could be used to save the transportation cost by 25%. But there was a resistance by the general managers of the European subsidiaries because of various problems like layoff, Buffer reduction, depriving the responsibility and above all, they felt that IDSC management team didn’t had the management skill. They were also skeptic about the outcome after implementation.

Tom carrol, Director of International Distribution and customer service had different options before him. Like total handover to a third party or implement the direct centralized distribution. For Direct distribution, in the first place, he was contemplating in picking the first subsidiary to be centralized among the different options of Austria, UK, Italy and Germany Case Analysis: Problem Statement: For effective implementation of Centralized warehouse system in Europe for reducing the operational cost in spite of mounting opposition from the General Managers of European subsidiaries Options:

Following are the different distribution system present to serve the European subsidiaries from Enschede, 1. To upgrade present IDSC warehouse to handle direct distribution to all the European Subsidiaries 2. To have a central ware house in Enschede and two satellite regional warehouse in southern France and a facility in Denmark 3. To allow a third party logistic provider to handle the direct distribution and warehousing in addition to the transportation service Reasons for opposition to plan: Following are the different concern raised by the General Managers of All the European Subsidiaries, 1.

Doubt on the capability of the ISDC in Encshede to handle the requirements of all the European subsidiaries 2. Concern on lose of flexibility to respond to changes in the market which the subsidiaries considered the reason for their success 3. There is no financial benefit seen in reducing the inventory level as the subsidiaries are not charged for the inventory they hold 4. Doubt on whether the cost savings quoted could be achieved 5. Loss of warehouse was seen as substantial loss in their power 6. Subsidiaries considered the quality of Enschede as weak 7.

Will lose a buffer between central distribution system and the customers 8. ISDC blamed for inbound transportation delays 9. Country specific objections like, a. Idiosyncrasies of trucking industry in Italy would make it difficult to do business differently b. Belgium and Netherland has achieved direct distribution only because of the fact that they had small sales volume and they were located close to Enschede 10. Opposition from Unions in different subsidiaries against the layoff could cause serious problems like high severance package and possible strikes Benefits Of Centralized Warehouse system:

By implementing Centralized warehouse system, Polaroid would achieve a net annual savings of $5. 7 Million. Savings through reduction of workforce will be $2. 5 Million and Warehouse rental savings will be $1 Million Factors supporting Central Warehousing: 1. Successful implementation in US and savings derived 2. Forthcoming liberalization of cross-border transportation 3. Efforts by Logistic providers for pan-European service capabilities 4. Post liberalization transportation in Europe would reduce by 5-25% Analyzing Service Demand pattern:

Country| Photographic Dealers| Hypermarkets/Retailers Warehouse| Wholesalers| Special Markets| Direct service | Nature of Service Demand (Remarks)| France| 70%| 20%| 10%| -| -| 1) Shipment of products directly to individual 2) Direct delivery to retail outlets &retail establishments| Germany| 0%| 85% – 90%| 10%-15%| -| -| 1) Highly demanding compared to other European subsidiary 2) Strongly opposed late or incomplete orders| Italy| 45%| 10%| 40%| 5%|  | Characterized most flexible| UK| -| 20%| 45%| 20%| 35%| Some of Accounts considered extremely demanding|

From above table we could infer that Germany and France are seeking high level of service which calls for high operational cost. So if Central warehouse system is being implemented it would be better if they first start with Italy as the customers are not much demanding and also the account size is equivalent to other subsidiary. The successful implementation in ITALY would act as good reference point. Analyzing “Candidates” for Implementation:

Country| Positive Factors| Negative factors| Other Remarks| UK| Extensive support from Rod Bishop, Manager UK| Servicing customers considered risky as sea transport required| Stringent service requirement from Bishop| Austria| Small Account| Located far from ISDC| Success in Austria will not have great impact as the account served is low| Italy| Product Theft in transit| Low service level demanded. Customers highly flexible| Memorandum Regarding distribution| From above table and from service demand pattern it can be clearly seen that Italy would be the best option for rolling the plan as 1.

Much of the demand arises from the dealers ( 20 main dealers) and 45% from Wholesalers , therefore the cost of servicing would be less as compared to UK’s some of the important accounts which calls for greater service 2. Also the customers in Italy are flexible which implies that they will tolerate the poor service quality in initial period of direct distribution implementation Analyzing Net inventory level and Order, Line fill rate: Country| Line Fill rate| Order Fill rate| Net Inventory level ($ in Million)| France| 97%| 91%| 6. 1| Germany| 92%| 69%| 4. 53| UK| 92%| 75%| 4. 32| Italy| 76%| 51%| 6. 28| From above table it is clear that though the inventory level in Italy is very high they have very low order and line fill rate. This shows a poor inventory management system and also improper ordering of SKU’s which might not be moving I the market. Therefore Italy seems to be a best candidate for implementing the Centralized distribution as the presence of Warehouse does not add much value to the business.

Conclusion: Polaroid can go for Centralized Warehouse management strategy, to start with Italy and then slowly moving to other subsidiaries like France and Germany where service demand level is very high. Also Polaroid should look for the option of including third party logistics because they will have expertise in managing warehousing and transportations better than Polaroid. Calculations: Given data: 1. France , Germany, Italy and UK make nearly 70% t0 80% European sales 2.

Total European sales = $504. 5 Million 3. Sales of Germany = 30% of total European sales 4. COGS/ Total sales ratio = 0. 5073 ( from exhibit 1) Assumptions made 1. 70% of European sales are equally contributed by UK, France and Italy 2. Average price per unit = $125 3. Average inventory value= $ 7. 12 million ( based on Exhibit 7) Parameters /Country| Germany| France| UK| Italy| Sales ($) (in Millions)| 151. 35| 117. 72| 117. 72| 117. 72| Sales (Units)| 1210800| 941733| 941733| 941733|

Distribution channel| Wholesaler (10-15%) Retailers (85%)| Specialty (70%) photographic dealers Hyper markets (20%) Wholesalers (10%)| Wholesalers (45%) Direct service (20%) Retailers (15%)| Photographic dealers (45%) Wholesalers (40%) Hypermarkets (10%) Special markets (5%)| Current Capability| Dedicated Warehouse| Dedicated Warehouse| Dedicated Warehouse| Dedicated Warehouse| Line fill rate| 95%| 95%| 94%| 88%| Order Fill rate| 81%| 90%| 94%| 62%| Annual Inventory turn| 11| 8| 8| 8| Labour savings (in 1000 $)| 570| 488| 242| 243| Facilities savings (in 1000 $)| 150| 300| 150| -|

North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was formed on 4th April 1949 after the Second World War as a realization of the importance of close ties between United States of America and Europe for the stability and security of world [1]. It was a watershed event in both the US history and in the history of 20th century, as it marked the isolationist strategy that had characterized US foreign policy since more than 2 centuries [2].

The alliance was seen as a counter strategy to protect Western European democracies against the growing threat of communism under USSR[3]. Later on this strategic-military alliance proved an important tool in the wake of Cold War between USA and USSR where it was seen as only safeguard for US and its allies against the expansionist designs of communist countries spearheaded by USSR.

However with the disintegration of USSR, unification of Germany and end of Cold War in 1989-1991, the functional utility of NATO were re-examined to decide its future role in the new world order. However, end of the Cold War did not signify end of role of NATO and soon it witnessed the wide ethnic and religious conflicts in the Eastern Europe, especially in Balkan nations [4]. By 1995, NATO was required to intervene directly in many of these affairs as well as play the role of peacekeeper in the newly independent countries.

Later on in the decade, the issue of terrorism raised its head, and presented further challenges to roles, responsibilities and scope of NATO’s future strategies [5]. Through the entire decade of 1990s NATO was shaping up its own future action course and on June 8-9, 1997, it took decision to expand and include new democracies of The Czech Republic, Hungry, and Poland, all former USSR allies, as part of NATO[6]. Since this decision has risen much debated and heat over its contextual application in the changed world order, and criticisms have been abundant on the merit of expansionist strategy of NATO in the 21st century world [7]. This paper shall examine the various issues involved with expansion strategy along with their merits and demerits.

The debate against the expansion

The decision to expand the NATO has created heated debates and arguments, both in favor and against of the decision. Many hold the opinion that an expanded NATO would be beneficial for world order, global peace and security and economic development and free trade, while others view threats of greater regional tension and hegemony of certain nations if NATO continues to expand[8]. The Expansion of NATO is generally opposed on following four grounds[9]

1.The expansion involves huge expenditure to protect the allied countries. Estimates have put the expenditure at more than $125 billion annually if US goes ahead with the expansion strategy.

2.Dangerously high level of commitments on part of US of protecting the newly enrolled allied countries. Western European countries themselves have demonstrated little interest in the expansion program as they consider it primarily an American objective. Thus it falls back entirely on USA to shield the its allies which may be a daunting and horrific task given the complex geo-political relation they share with each other as well as USA’s former nemesis USSR.

3. The third problem is a modification of second problem which involves conflicting nature of relations among even new entrants in  NATO. Further, some of the Central and Eastern European countries such as Hungry and Poland are embroiled centuries long feuds with their neighbors and a conflict, even though on limited scale would make it mandatory for US to assist the member country, thereby widening the scope of the conflict.

4. The last concern presented relates to the possibility that expansion may forever engage NATO as a peacekeeping authority in the extreme Eastern Europe where situation among several countries, including Romania, Serbia, Slovakia and Hungry, is so volatile that repeated conflicts can break out over a number of years.

The expansion and responsible factors

The expansion of NATO came after long negotiations with former communist nations that included Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Romania, Bulgaria, and the Soviet Union. NATO took a series of steps, such as formation of North Atlantic Cooperation Council in 1991 and NATO’s Partnership for Peace (PfP) program in 1994 to develop an amicable and peaceful environment for effective interaction and cooperation for these countries[10]. The decision to finally include Czech Republic, Hungry and Poland came after long deliberations and amidst a growing consensus that these nascent democracies needed to be integrated in the western democratic framework to help them achieve rapid and lasting economic development[11].

Although the debate on this expansion has been widely across political and strategic spectrum, it should be noted that it was not for the first time that NATO had expanded. Article 10 of NATO’s foundation document has given it implicit rights to include new members on their meeting certain criteria[12].

As one of the central premises of NATO is that attack on any of its member would be considered as attack against all and hence NATO would be s justified in taking military action against the aggressor, it attracted many European non members to the organization to safeguard their democratic values, freedom, heritage and civilization[13]. Thus NATO has undergone three major expansions since its formation to fulfill its commitment to stability and continued growth of economy and trade in the member countries.

By 1990s most of the eastern European nations were convinced that in joining NATO remained their only hope to protect their integrity, and ensure their survival in an increasingly chaotic political order. On its part, NATO was also eager to embrace these countries has it perceived that most of problems afflicting Europe were occurring in non NATO member countries and therefore by increasing the scope of alliance, NATO would contribute towards increasing the stability and security in the Eastern Europe[14]. Further, the new responsibilities gave NATO the much-required opportunity to present a changed face and more responsible and comprehensive attitude in the post-Cold War world affairs[15].

In wake of these developments, notwithstanding the criticism and debates surrounding the earlier expansion strategy to include the three former communist nations, USA has confirmed its commitment to further expansion of NATO in the coming years[16].

European security and future expansion strategy of NATO

As the Cold War ended in 1989, it became apparent that Eastern Europe was headed for comprehensive restructuring and reformulating the strategies that were no longer applicable in the new context[17]. Abatement of hostilities between Western and Eastern Europe provided an unprecedented opportunity to policy makers to work towards attainment of long standing objective of European unification, in which NATO was considered as a powerful catalyst.

NATO provided the vital platform where the political, economic and military interests of both Western and Eastern Europe came together and its own regional development took priority with view to strengthen the economic and strategic coalition of European states[18].  NATO was the instrument that facilitated this ideological and strategic unification of Europe.

In the view of changed political order in Europe and risks of terrorism, NATO has formed a long term future expansion strategy that makes it open to every European country which seeks NATO’s help in protecting its identity and culture while making transition towards democracy[19]. Although the immediate and pressing needs of any plan of expansion have receded, especially after the successful handling of Balkan crisis by NATO and demonstration of its continued relevance as a capable peacemaker. Also, the latest enlargement, as discussed before, addressed one of the pressing issues on NATO, to form an active collaboration with former USSR supporting countries.

Yet the future expansion of NATO is inevitable, as many non –NATO European countries would begin to meet the conditions for entry into the Alliance and may question its commitment to peacekeeping if denied admittance[20].

Therefore considering the requirement of expansion, NATO has planned the procedure in distinct steps, with no-surprise strategy. Aspirants may request for membership two years before the decision making years that are set as 2002, 2008-09, and 2012-14. As strategist point out that these expansions would be limited to introduction of maximum one or two nations at a time, rather than multiple entry[21]. These expansions would increase the membership of NATO to 25 countries, making it one of the most organized and important military alliances in the modern times.

The future expansion strategy of NATO comprises of five steps

1. Development of military cooperation with the newly joined state under Partnership for Peace (PfP) initiative

2. Greater PfP coordination and cooperation to meet expectations and aspirations of new members

3.Formation of rules and guidelines that assess a given country’s eligibility for consideration of NATO membership

4.Assessment and scrutiny of a given country’s standing in fulfilling NATO’s commitment if accepted as member

5.Deciding the time frame for new country to join the Alliance.

Conclusion

Expansion of NATO has to be seen from a broader and longer perspective. NATO has become an indispensable tool, especially in the changing nature of terrorism that is taking global dimension. As once the free democracies of Western Europe and USA combined to thwart designs of Communism, its equally vital in the present scenario for them and the new members to form an alliance that thwarts evil purpose of global terrorism for which an armed, military equipped and strategically capable military authority is necessary.

NATO, by expanding its membership, is in the process of gaining that crucial strategic leverage, as well as create conditions in the first place that would prevent many countries to be affected by menace of terrorism in the changed world strategic order.

Reference

Alexander Moens, Lenard J.Cohen, Allen G.Sens .NATO and European Security: Alliance Politics from the End of the Cold War to the Age of Terrorism.: Praeger.: Westport, CT. 2003

Barany, Z. The Future of NATO Expansion: Four Case Studies. Cambridge University Press.: Cambridge, England.: 2003

Carpenter T.G and Barbara C. NATO Enlargement: Illusions and Reality. Cato Institute.: Washington, DC.: 2001

Gardener, H..  NATO for a New Century: Atlanticism and European Security. Editor:  Carl C. Hodge. Praeger.: Westport, CT: 2002.

Kaplna, L.S. The Long Entanglement: NATO’s First Fifty Years. Praeger.: Westport, CT. 1999

Lepgold, J.  NATO’s Post-Cold War Collective Action Problem, International Security, 23:1 (Summer 1998): 78–106

Millar A and Plesch D.T. Pushing the Envelope Too Far? Technology’s Impact on NATO Expansion. Journal of International Affairs. Volume: 51. Issue: 2.: 1998. Page Number: 641.

Seidelmann, R. NATO for a New Century: Atlanticism and European Security. Editor:  Carl C. Hodge. Praeger.: Westport, CT: 2002.

Simon, J.  Central European Civil-Military Relations and NATO Expansion Washington, D.C.: National Defense University, McNair Paper 39, 1995

Solomons, G.B. The NATO Enlargement Debate, 1990-1997: The Blessings of Liberty.: Praeger.: Westport, CT.: 1998.

Szayna, T.S. NATO Enlargement, 2000-2015: Determinants and Implications for Defense Planning and Shaping. Rand. Santa Monica, CA. 2001.

[1] A. Millar and D.T  Plesch. Pushing the technology too far?  Journal of International Affairs.
[2] L.S. Kaplan. The Long Entanglement, Praeger, 1999. p. 1
[3] L.S. Kaplan. The Long Entanglement, Praeger, 1999. p. 2
[4] A. Moens, L. J.Cohen, A. G.Sens.  NATO and European security.  Praeger. 2003.
[5] A. Moens, L. J.Cohen, A. G.Sens.  NATO and European security.  Praeger. 2003.
[6] G.B. Solomons. The NATO Enlargement Debate, 1990-1997. Praeger. P 1.
[7] Z.Barany. The Future of NATO Expansion. Cambridge University Press. 2003.
[8] H. Gardner. NATO for a New Century: Editor.  C. Hodge. Praeger. Westport, CT. 2002. P: 23.
[9] T.G. Carpenter and A.B. Conry. NATO Enlargement: Illusions and Reality. Cato Institute. Washington DC. 2001.
[10] Jeffrey Simon, Central European Civil-Military Relations and NATO Expansion (Washington, D.C.: National Defense University, McNair Paper 39, 1995)

[11] L.S. Kaplan. The Long Entanglement, Praeger, 1999. p. 8
[12] Z.Barany. The Future of NATO Expansion. Cambridge University Press. 2003
[13] G.B. Solomons. The NATO Enlargement Debate, 1990-1997. Praeger. P 2.
[14] Z.Barany. The Future of NATO Expansion. Cambridge University Press. 2003
[15] Joseph Lepgold, NATO’s Post-Cold War Collective Action Problem, ” International Security, 23:1 (Summer 1998): 78–106
[16] Z.Barany. The Future of NATO Expansion. Cambridge University Press. 2003
[17] R. Seidelmann, NATO for a New Century. Edit. Carl C. Hodge 2002. p- 47
[18] R. Seidelmann, NATO for a New Century. Edit. Carl C. Hodge 2002. p- 48
[19] T.S. Szayna. NATO Expansion 2000-2015. Rand. Santa Monica, CA. 2001. p-41.
[20] T.S. Szayna. NATO Expansion 2000-2015. Rand. Santa Monica, CA. 2001. p-42.

[21] T.S. Szayna. NATO Expansion 2000-2015. Rand. Santa Monica, CA. 2001. p-42