Experiment

Drawing on appropriate evidence from Chapter 5, describe how groups can influence people in positive and negative ways. For this task I will be studying how groups of people that we have in our lives can affect us in both a positive and a negative way, such as peer pressure from a social group or pressure from family. From a very early age we are influenced by the people around us. If we are in good company and the right crowd we will be affected positively, on the other hand if we are amongst bad company and fall into the wrong crowd we will be affected negatively.To start with I will look at some of the more positive effects that groups of people can have on us as individuals. For example if you are around a good group of friends as you are growing up going into adulthood, this can play a vital role in shaping your personality, and their influences, could change you for the better.

An example of how groups can influence us in a positive way is “Kondo’s Story” taken from “starting with psychology” (2010). In this extract from her own book Kondo describes what life is like as a Japanese American and how she tried to fit in with both of her cultures.Although at first she was not accustomed to the Japanese way of doing things in time she began to feel a positive feeling for the Japanese family she was staying with and began to want to behave in a Japanese way. So by the end of the extract she not only feels like an American woman but a Japanese woman also. Spending time with a positive group of Japanese people, made her understand her Japanese roots, traditions and etiquette that are part of their everyday life. As she started to fit in more and more she described how pleased she felt.Looking at what others do around you can bring about a positive change in your way of thinking and how you live your life.

Groups will often shape who you are. It doesn’t have to be a close group of friends it could be just people you are regularly around. For example if you are with people who dress smart, are in a stable job and speak in correct English. You will most likely pick up their traits. You will feel this is right and will follow. Muzafer Sherif l (1961) carried out a number of experiments that involved young boys at a summer camp.The experiment worked by splitting the boys into two groups.

As time went on the boys in each group became closer and more competitive. A tournament was arranged and although some aggression was noted other good behaviour stood out such as group loyalty, solidarity and co operation. As the experiment progressed they introduced games which required both groups to work with each other in a positive way which was highly successful. Experiments like this one show that group influence can be a positive one.For the next part of this task I will look at the negative effects that groups of people can often have on us. There are times in all of our lives when we have done certain things or lead a certain lifestyle due to the influence of the people around us. You can find yourself blindly imitating something that you know is wrong but the urge to “follow the crowd” is so great you ignore what you know is right.

Example of negative group influence “Starting with Psychology (2010), an experiment carried out in America by Phillip Zimbardo in 1971.He and his colleagues set up a fake prison situation and randomly chose a group of men to act as the guards or the prisoners over a period of two weeks. However after just six days the experiment had to come to an end after both of the groups took their assigned roles too seriously. Both sides were showing worrying signs of brutality and emotional disturbance. This experiment showed just how quickly normal rational men could become violent and aggressive when expected to act in a certain way.We have all been in situations were we realise something is expected of us. It is interesting to see, in this example, how easy it would be to conform and fall into the roles that are given to us by others.

Another example I will refer to is Solomon Asch’s study in the 1950’s. You and 6 other people are seated around a table. The whole group is shown a picture of a straight vertical line. You are then shown three more lines of differing lengths. Everyone is then asked to pick out the line that matches the original one.You then each give your answer out loud. However, six of these people are in on the experiment and deliberately give the wrong answer.

Out of 50 of the people involved 75% of them gave the wrong and followed what the others said, even though the right answer was clearly obvious. Surely this shows how negative group influence can be on one’s behaviour. This experiment was harmless, but outside the confines of studies and experiments, following people and trusting others instincts rather than your own conscious could have serious consequences.I think I have shown in the pieces of evidence that I have used, groups can be a good and bad influence. They can provide us with stability, friendship and the feeling of belonging and loyalty as shown in my first 2 pieces of evidence. They can also be damaging and harmful when used by others to lead and deceive people who are vulnerable as shown in I believe we have all experienced some kind of group influence in our lives whether good or bad. In my opinion these experiences make us who we are and are important part of our lives

Abstract

There is a strong tendency for behavioural scientists to visualise the human race as homogenous, despite the striking differences which exists between the populations of the world. This study investigated transmission and cross cultural variation in the view of the self and styles of thinking between younger and older British white participants, Bangladeshi immigrants and British Born Bangladeshi participants. Eighty subjects aged 18-60+ successfully completed the individualism and collectivism scale (Triandis and Gelfand‘s, 1998) and Masuda et al’s (2008) drawing test, a measure of analytic-holistic cognition. Results found that Bangladeshi immigrants project a more collectivistic view of the self and possess a holistic manner of thinking while British born participants appear to be more individualist and exhibit analytic styles of thinking. In addition British born Bangladeshi participants appear to display a form of ‘one generation assimilation’ into British society and have adopted views of the self and thinking styles which closely resembles that of the British white participants rather than rather than being intermediate between White British and Bangladeshi modes of thinking.

Introduction

Social psychology is broadly considered a Western phenomenon and as a result the vast amount of literature and psychological research has been conducted in Western countries such as the UK, Austria, North America and Western Europe. The participants of such studies have obviously been predominately Western college/university students as they are the most easily accessible and convenient for example Heine & Norenzayan (2006) report statistics from a recent review which brought to attention that approximately 92% of studies published in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology were conducted in North America while an staggering 99% of studies were undertaken in Western countries (Quinones-Vidal et al, 2004). A major concern of social psychologists is that the results of these experiments and questionnaires are thought of as universal cross cultural representation and used to draw inferences about the psychological characteristics of the human race as a whole. Furthermore Henrich et al’s (2010) review of a comparative database found that even within Western ‘standard’ subjects there is substantial variability in their results in studies of visual perception, reasoning styles, self concepts etc. Consequently these Western populations are fundamentally less representative in generalizing the entire human race than conventionally considered. Such criticisms could largely be avoided if researchers restricted their findings to the population which they have sampled and obtained their results from.

However recently psychologists have began to investigate the extent to which the observed results in typical Western samples can be generalized and considered representative across the numerous societies and cultures of the world, particularly non- Western populations (Henrich, Heine & Norenzayan (2010). The effects and influence of cultural factors will inevitably increase the external validity of experiments if they are found to be acting in the real world as a result they cannot simply be ignored.

Research conducted using non-Western and Western participants has contributed a great deal to the field of cultural psychology (Heine 2008). The findings of these experiments have discovered profound and intriguing differences between Western and non-Western samples. Such cross cultural differences in responses has shattered the notion that humans are ‘universal in nature’ and emphasised the importance of identifying and taking into account cultural influences.

Within the field of cultural psychology several experiments have led to the establishment of theories which attempt to explain the difference between Western and non-Western populations. The theory individualism versus collectivism in regards to the view of the self has been identified and confirmed by numerous experiments. For example Markus & Kitayama’s (1991) review found that different cultures maintain diverse visions of what the self is like. The two most distinguishable views of the self which vary in different cultural groups are the ‘individualistic view’ and the ‘collectivist view.’ Western countries such as the UK and the USA are regarded as having individualistic cultures which cater to the rights, needs and preferences of the individual. Therefore people of Western societies tend to maintain independent views of the self i.e. consider themselves fundamentally separate from others, their environment and distinct from social contexts/relationships. The behaviour of these individualists is considered to be determined according to their set of stable internal characteristics (e.g. thoughts, feelings, needs) and not according to external influences (e.g. the expectation of others or the demands of a situation)

On the other hand non- Western societies (e.g. China, Japan, Korea, and India) are typically characterised as being comprised of collectivistic cultures, which stress the importance of maintaining the norms, standards and traditions of families and social groups. As a result individuals from non-Western societies tend to have an interdependent view of the self. They believe the self is fundamentally connected to the people in their immediate community and to their environment. Consequently the behaviour and characteristics of collectivists are thought to be highly influenced by external factors and change depending on the situation, social context and social relationships.

The theory of individualism/collectivism was further supported by Trafimow et al’s (1991) study which found that North American students described themselves with attributes that marked them as unique or distinct individuals for example ‘I am really funny’. These are the characteristics of individualists. In contrast Chinese students tended to define themselves in terms of relationships, roles and attributes they shared with other people such as ‘I am a Buddhist’. These responses are indicative of a collectivistic view of the self. Cohen and Gunz (2002) also found the presence of different views of the self in different cultures. Asian participants when asked to recall memories from their own past often reported them from a ‘third persons’ perspective almost as if they were looking at themselves from an observer’s viewpoint reflecting their interdependent nature . In contrast American participants normally reported experiencing these memories from their own perspective.

The second theory indentified within the field of cultural psychological research was analytic versus holistic thinking styles. Nisbett et al’s (2001) review proposed that two different styles of thinking exist in different cultural groups. These two styles of thinking are referred to as analytic and holistic. Analytic thinking is characterized by focus on specific objects and their features independently from their context and relations to other objects and typically utilized by people from Western societies. In contrast holistic thinking can be described by orientation of objects in relation to other objects as well as the placing of objects in terms of a larger context. Holistic thinking is typically employed by people from non-Western societies.

Masuda et al’s (2008) study is evidence of this diversity in thinking styles among different cultures. In this study Japanese and American participants were asked to draw a landscape scene. The landscape drawings by Japanese participants were distinguishable from those drawn by American participants as the horizon was drawn significantly higher and there were more contextual objects included. The Japanese participant’s landscape drawings are a reflection of their holistic manner of thinking as a higher horizon allows more objects to be orientated in relation to each other more successfully than a low horizon. Furthermore the social orientation hypothesis proposed by Varnum et al, (2008) suggests that cultures which vary in their social orientation i.e. independent or interdependent also show corresponding differences in cognitive style; therefore Western societies who tend to be independent are also analytic, while East Asian societies who are considered interdependent are also holistic (Nisbett et al., 2001)

A relatively untouched area of research has been largely focused on the children of non Western immigrants who have been born and raised in a Western society. Social psychologists have questioned whether the children of these non-Western immigrants share a view of the self and style of thinking which is analogous to their parents i.e. collectivists with an holistic style of thinking or whether these children are similar to their Western counterpart i.e. individualistic with an analytic style of thinking. These two possible outcomes have significant implication in regards to the origin of cultural differences. If the children of non-Western Immigrants are indeed collectivist and posses a holistic style of reasoning then it would imply that cultural differences are almost fixed, hardwired and are not significantly influenced by the society in which they have been raised within. However if the ‘cognitive make up’ of children born to non-Western immigrants, resembles that of Western samples then it would suggest that cultural differences are fluid, largely socially learnt (transmitted) and subject to change resulting from the society they have been raised.

Norenzayan et al’s (2002) cross cultural analysis compared the reasoning style between American, East Asian (characteristically Korean or Chinese) and Asian American (born in the US to East Asian parents) university students. The study found that East Asians were in favour of an intuitive/ holistic style of reasoning while American students preferred a more formal/analytic style. Asian Americans on the other hand displayed a preference in reasoning style that was either identical to the American students or intermediate between American and East American students. This suggests that American Asian students through assimilation into a Western society are progressively shifting from the holistic form of reasoning of their parents to a more broadly Western style of thinking.

Similarly Heine et al’s (2007) meta-analysis of cross cultural studies centred on the self enhancement bias (i.e. people are motivated to view themselves more positively as a means of increasing self esteem), between East Asian, American and Asian American participants. The results of this meta-analysis coverage found that East Asians self enhance significantly less than Western American participants. Additionally Asian Americans appeared to be intermediate in the effect size (the strength of the self enhancement bias averaged across all the published papers) between American and East Asian participants. According to Markus and Kitayama, (1991) an interdependent view of the self that is associated with collectivist cultures, has less of a need to positive self enhance as there is no pronounced relationship between personal attributes and self esteem. Instead there is a greater value in fitting into groups and abiding by group norms rather than emphasising personal attributes in an attempt to stand out and emit a sense of uniqueness. As a result self enhancement appears to be more central within individualist societies.

This study serves as a replication of the cultural variation identified and confirmed by previous research within the field of cultural psychology, specifically Markus & Kitayama (1991), Nisbett et al (2001), and Masuda et al (2008). However unlike previous research the degree of variation among cultures was focused on between Bangladeshi immigrants, British Bangladeshi students (born in Britain to Bangladeshi immigrants) and British White participants (older and younger generations). It is predicted that British white participants would score lower in the individualism/collectivism (I/C) scale (Triandis and Gelfand, 1998) indicating individualistic views of the self while Bangladeshi immigrants Western societies will score higher signifying collectivists views of the self.

It is also predicted that Bangladeshi immigrants would draw a higher horizon in Masuda et al’s (2008) drawing test as well as a greater number of additional items. This represents their holistic style of thinking in contrast to the analytic style of thinking of British white participants who would have drawn lower horizons and fewer additional items. Therefore British Bangladeshi participants who were born to Bangladeshi immigrant parents and consequently raised in a Western environment are expected to project a view of the self and a thinking style which either closely or exactly resembles that of the British White participants, given the previously mentioned findings of Norenzayan et al. (2002) and Heine et al. (2007) for Asian Americans.

In regards to the additional questions in the experimental booklet, the first set of questions were aimed to measure the level of interaction participants experienced with family members in terms of the how many relatives they see in a week and how many relatives they communicate with over the phone or through email. The second set of additional questions referred to the amount of UK based media participants were exposed to. Participants were required to rate how often they utilized four different mediums; newspaper, magazines, television and the internet. It is predicted that there will be a positive correlation between the level of mass media viewing and the level of individualism. This may occur as UK based forms of media predominately convey values and messages that are typical attributes of individualism such as exclusivity and independence. For example Kim and Markus’s (1999) study found that there is a greater emphasis of uniqueness present in American magazines in comparison to Korean magazines. Furthermore messages of conformity, which is considered a characteristic of collectivistic cultures, has greater coverage in East Asian magazines as when as a greater emphasis on respective norms and long standing traditions.

Moreover it is also predicted that there will be a positive correlation between the intensity of interaction with family members and the intensity of collectivism. Collectivistic cultures such as non-Western cultures are interdependent and view the self as overlapping or connected with other people i.e. family members and dependent on social context/interactions rather than in unique personal characteristics where as in Western cultures the self is seen as independent and autonomous. ­­­­­ Trafimow et al’s (1991) study found that Chinese students are more likely to define themselves in term of relationships and roles they share with others such as ‘I am a daughter’ in comparison to Westerners. Therefore a higher level of interaction with family members will reinforce collectivism and vice versa.

Methods

Participants

Eighty participants (forty males and females) who were aged between 18- 60+ took part in this experiment. Participants were obtained through opportunistic sampling and directly approached for recruitment from universities in East London as well as from local East London community centres, libraries and GP medical centres. There were translation issues encountered with subjects for whom English was not their first language specifically Bangladeshi immigrants, and therefore lacked good verbal English. However researchers conducting the study were bilingual, fluent in both English and Bengali and consequently could sufficiently overcome this language barrier. The sample was comprised of two distinct cultural groups, Bangladeshi participants and White British participants. In addition these two groups were further divided into four sub groups of twenty participants; the Bangladeshi sample consisted of those who were born in Bangladesh and immigrated to the UK at the age of at least 14 (Bangladeshi immigrants) and British Bangladeshi students (those who born in the UK to Bangladeshi immigrants) aged between 18-30. The White British sample included White British students (aged 18-30) whose families have lived in the UK for at least two generations and older White British participants (aged +40).

Apparatus/Materials

The material of this experiment is paper-pencil based and consists of 3 sections to measure the participant’s view of the self and their style of thinking as well as a final section obtaining information regarding the participant’s cultural background, family interactions and mass media exposure. The first section of the experiment is the individualism/collectivism questionnaire (Triandis and Gelfand, 1998). This was comprised of a series of 16 questions, 8 questions measured collectivism and 8 questions measured individualism (see Appendix). These questions were in a random order and participants had to rate the extent they agreed with the statement from using a 1 – 7 rating score, 1 being strongly agree and 7 being strongly disagree. In order to calculate the scores on the individualism and collectivism scale; the ratings for the statements measuring collectivism were reversed i.e. strongly agree (7) and strong disagree (1). The ratings for each participant was then summed and divided by the number of questions (16). A score higher than 4 indicated collectivism while a score lower than 4 indicated individualism (a score of exact 4 indicated neither individualism nor collectivism.)

The second section of the experiment was Masuda et al’s (2008) drawing test, this measured whether participants had an analytic or holistic style of thinking. Participants are asked to draw a landscape scene within the allocated drawing box including a house, a horizon, a tree etc. Two critical measures were taken from the drawing test , the first was the height of the drawn horizon (the distance from the bottom of the drawing box and the horizon) in centimetres and second was the number of addition objects drawn without including the five standard objects (house, tree, river, person, horizon)

The third section of the experiment requires subjects to provide their age, their cultural background i.e. where they were born, where their parents were born and other countries they had lived in during their life time. In addition participants provided details concerning their level of interaction and communication with family members (including extended relatives) i.e. how many relatives they see in person in a week and how many relatives they phone or email in a week. Participants were also required to rate their level of intensity of exposure to UK based forms of medium; newspapers, magazines and television and the internet. The responses which were converted to a likert scale consisted of; every day (4), once a week (3), at least once a month, less than once a month (1), and no response (0).

Design

The design of this experiment is within subject. Each subject carried out all the experimental conditions. The independent variable is whether the participants were raised in a Western society (UK) or a non-Western society (Bangladesh). The dependent variables are the participant’s mean score on the individualism/collectivism scale (Triandis and Gelfand 1998) as well as their response to Masuda et al’s (2008) drawing test; these were measured by the horizon height (cm) and the number of additional objects in the drawing.

Procedure

Before the experiment was conducted all participants provided full written consent and received standardised instructions informing them of how to proceed with the experiment. Participants were fully aware that they could withdraw from the experiment at any time and should complete the experiment at their own pace. Participants were also informed that the results of the experiment would remain anonymous and there was no risk involved. Participants were presented with the experimental booklet which consisted of the three sections to be completed at their own pace. Participants were than thanked for partaking in the experiment and any questions they had were answered.

Results

A one way ANOVA was employed to analyse the results obtained from the four experimental groups according to the three main dependent variables; individualism/collectivism score, horizon height and number of additional items. A 5% level of significance (p= 0.05) was applied to determine the statistical significance of the results. The one way ANOVA analysis revealed significant differences within each of the three measures. A significant difference was found among the four groups of participants in relation to their score on the individualism and collectivism questionnaire, (F(3, 76) = 23.3.92, p=<0.001). Significant differences were also found among the four groups of participants in regards to the length of the horizon height drawn , (F(3,76) = 26.467, p<0.001) as well as the number of additional items included in Masuda et al’s (2008) drawing task, (F(3,76) = 23.329, p<0.001).

A one way ANOVA was also utilized to evaluate the response of the four sample groups in relations to the additional six dependent variables; number of relatives in physical contact with in an average week, the number of relatives in non physical contact with in an average week, newspaper use,magazine use, television viewing and internet use . The results of this analysis revealed significant variation among the four groups according to each of the dependent variables. Significant differences were found in the number of relatives participants were in physical contact with in an average week, (F(3, 76) =27.864, p<0.001) as well as the number of relatives in non physical contact with in an average week,(F(3, 76) =11.098, p<0.001). Significant differences were also found among the four experimental groups in terms of the level of mass media consumption; newspaper use, (F(3, 76) = 3.480, p= 0.20), magazine use, (F(3, 76) = 6.459, p= 0.001), television viewing, (F(3, 76) = 5.582, p= 0.002) and internet use, (F(3, 76) = 22.924, p>0.001).

A secondary form of in-depth analysis was also conducted, this consisted of a series of two sample independent t-tests comparing each of the four sample groups in relations to the three main measures (I/C score, horizon height and number of additional items) as well as the remain addition variables i.e. contact with family and mass media consumption. Due to the multiple comparisons the Bonferroni correction was implemented into the analysis of the results. Therefore an adjusted p value of 0.008 (0.05/6) was obtained to determine statistical significance by dividing the initial 5% significance level by the number of comparisons conducted for each level of the independent variables i.e. the four groups of participants .

Figure 1 shows the mean scores for the individualism/collectivism scale as well as the mean horizon height and mean number of addition items for all of the four subgroups. The two sample independent test cross comparing the four focal groups in terms of the I/C score revealed significant differences between older Bangladeshi immigrants (M= 5.47, SD= 0.51) and older British white participants (M= 3.91, SD= 0.88; t(38) = -6.875, p=<0.001), younger white British participants (M= 3.99, SD= 0.61; t(38) =8.314, p<0.001) and younger British Bangladeshi participants (M= 3.99, SD= 0.74; t(38) =7.396, p<0.001). There were no significant differences for the I/C scores between older White British and younger British white participants, (t(38) =-0.320, p= 0.751), older British white and young British Bangladeshi participants, (t(38) =-0.284, p= 0.778) and between younger British and younger British Bangladeshi participants (t(38) =0.016, p= 0.987).

The two sample independent test cross comparing the four groups in regards to the horizon height drawn by each participants revealed significant differences between older Bangladeshi immigrants (M=15.16, SD= 0.79), and older British white participants (M= 11.19, SD= 2.95; t(38) =-5.804, p= <0.001), younger British white participants (M= 8.39, SD= 2.88; t(38) = 10.108, p= <0.001) and younger British born Bangladeshi participants (M= 10.44, SD= 2.57; t(38) = 7.837, p= <0.001). A significant difference was also found when comparing the horizon heights drawn by young British white participants to that of young British Bangladeshi participants, (t(38) = 7.837, p= <0.001) and older British white participants (t(38) =3.038, p= 0.004) . However a significant difference was not detected between the horizon heights drawn by older British white and young British Bangladeshi participants, (t(38) = 0.857, p= 0.397).

The two sample independent t-test cross comparing the number of additional items drawn by each participants in the four groups revealed significant difference between older Bangladeshi immigrants (M= 10.6, SD= 4.55), and older British white participants (M= 2.1, SD= 2.43; t(38) =-7.317, p= <0.001), younger British white participants (M= 3.6, SD= 2.70); t(38) =5.906, p= <0.001) and younger British Bangladeshi participants (M= 3.9, SD= 3.82); t(38) =4.998, p= <0.001). There were no significant differences found in the number of addition items drawn between old British white participants and young British white participants, (t(38) =1.785, p= <0.082, young British Bangladeshi participants, t(38) =1.778, p= <0.085 and between young British white and young British Bangladeshi participants, (t(38) =0.334, p= <0.740).

The two sample independent t-test comparing the number of relatives each member of the four sample groups had direct physical contact with in an average week revealed significant differences between older British white participants and older Bangladeshi immigrants, (t(38) =-7.673, p= <0.001), older British white and younger British Bangladeshi participants, t(38) =-4.992, p= <0.001. Significant differences were also found between young British white participants and older Bangladeshi immigrants, (t(38) =8.772, p= <0.001) and younger British Bangladeshi participants, (t(38) =-5.494, p= <0.001). There was no significant differences found between older British and young British white participants, (t(38) =0.321, p= 0.750) as well and between older Bangladeshi immigrants and younger British Bangladeshi participants, (t(38) =0.418, p= 0.418).

The two sample independent t-test comparing the number of relatives the four samples had indirect contact with (i.e. via the telephone or internet) revealed significant differences between older British white participants and older Bangladeshi immigrants, (t(38) =-4.404, p= <0.001) and older British white and younger British Bangladeshi participants, (t(38) =-2.618, p= 0.013). Significant differences were also found between younger British white participants and older Bangladeshi immigrants, (t(38) =6.237, p= <0.001) and younger British Bangladeshi participants, (t(38) =-3.544, p= 0.001). However no significant difference were found between older and younger British white participants, (t(38) =0.536, p= 0.595) as well as between older Bangladeshi immigrants and younger British Bangladeshi participants, (t(38) =1.172, p= 0.248).

The two sample independent t-test comparing utilization of newspapers in the four samples revealed no significant differences among all possible group comparisons. The level of newspaper use in older British white participants and older Bangladeshi immigrants was insignificant, (t(38) =2.771, p= 0.009), young British white participants, (t(38) =2.208, p= 0.034) and young British Bangladeshi participants, (t(38) =0.992, p= 0.328). No significant differences were found between older Bangladeshi immigrants and younger British white participants, (t(38) =-0.443, p= 0.660) and younger British Bangladeshi participants, (t(38) =-2.153, p= 0.039). There was also no significant difference between younger British white and younger British Bangladeshi participants, (t(38) =-1.552, p= 0.131).

The two sample independent t-test comparing magazine consumption in the four focal groups revealed significant differences between older Bangladeshi immigrants and older British white participants, (t(38) =4.170, p<0.001) and younger British Bangladeshi participants, (t(38) =-3.352, p=0.002). However no significant differences were found between older British white participants and younger British participants, (t(38) =1.583, p=0.112) and younger British Bangladeshi participants (t(38) =1.151, p=0.257). No significant differences were also found between younger British participants and older Bangladeshi immigrants, (t(38) =2.663, p=0.011) and younger British Bangladeshi participants, (t(38) =-0.524, p=0.603).

The two sample independent t-test comparing the level of television viewing in the four samples found significant differences between younger British Bangladeshi participants and older Bangladeshi immigrants, t(38) =-3.872, p=0.001), and younger British participants, (t(38) =-3.61, p=0.001). However no significant differences were revealed between older British participants and older Bangladeshi immigrants, (t(38) =1.602, p=0.118), younger British participants, (t(38) =1.443, p=0.157) and younger British Bangladeshi, (t(38) =-2.238, p=0.032). No significant differences were also found between younger British participants and older Bangladeshi immigrants, (t(38) =-0.150, p=0.881).

The two sample independent t-test comparing internet use among the four groups of participants revealed significant differences between older British white participants and younger British white participants, (t(38) =-3.423, p=0.002) and between older British white immigrants and younger British Bangladeshi participants, (t(38) =-3.599, p=0.001). Significant differences were also found between older Bangladeshi immigrants and younger British participants, (t(38) =-7.421, p<0.001) and younger British Bangladeshi participants, (t(38) =-7.641, p<0.001). However no significant differences were revealed between older British white participants and older Bangladeshi immigrants, (t(38) =2.738, p=0.009) as well as between younger British participants and young British Bangladeshi participants, (t(38) =-0.234, p=0.816).

Furthermore a linear regression analysis was employed to identify whether the results obtained for the three main (dependent) variables; individualism/collectivism score, horizon heights and number of addition items, could be predicted by the six supplementary variables; number of relatives in physical contact within an average week, the number of relatives in non physical contact within an average week, newspaper use,magazine use, television viewing and internet use.

The results of the analysis for predicting the score of the four experimental groups on the individualism and collectivism scale, found that internet use significantly predicted I/C scores of the four groups, (?= -0.389, t(79) =-0.356, p = 0 .001). Internet utilization also explained a significant proportion of variance in the I/C score among the four samples, (R2 =0 .310, F(6, 73) =5 .464, p <0.001).

In term of predicting the length of horizon height (cm) drawn by the four groups, the linear regression analysis revealed that only internet use among the participants significantly predicted horizon height, (?= -0.389, t(79) =-3.554, p = 0 .001). Internet utilization also explained a significant proportion of variance in the lengths of horizon height between the four samples, (R2 =0 .265, F(6, 73) =4 .831, p =0.001).

The linear regression analysis conducted to determine whether the number of additional items included in the drawings by the four groups of participants could be predicted by the six independent variables, found that the number of relatives participants were in non physical contact with in an average week significantly predicted the number of addition items drawn (?= -0.240, t(79) =2.258, p = 0 .027). Newspaper use also significantly predicted the number of additional objects drawn by the four groups, (?= -0.143, t(79) =-1.439, p = 0 .035), as did internet use, (?= -0.243, t(79) =-2.468, p = 0 .016). Therefore these three independent variables; the number of relatives in non physical contact, newspaper use and internet use explained a significant proportion of variance in the number of additional items drawn among the four groups, (R2 = 0.405, F(6, 73) =8 .283, p <0.001)

Discussion

The results of this study confirmed earlier predictions and reinforced the findings of Markus & Kitayam (1991), Nisbett et al (2001), and Masuda et al (2008) studies. Non-Western subjects comprised of Bangladeshi immigrants produced a greater mean score on the individualism and collectivism scale which indicated a more interdependent and collectivist view of themselves. In comparison the mean scores of the older and younger British white participants and younger British Bangladeshi participants on the individualism and collectivism questionnaire was significantly lower than that of the Bangladeshi immigrants suggesting that this Western sample were less collectivist and more individualistic than their non Western counterparts. These findings reinforce the notion that a view of the self does vary across cultures providing further evidence that humans are not inherently similar but differ in core personality related aspects which have significant implications in psychological and social processes.

In regards to Masuda et al’s (2008) drawing tasks, older Bangladeshi immigrants also drew a horizon considerably higher in mean height than that drawn by the British born participants’ i.e. younger and older British white participants and the British born Bangladeshi participants. Bangladeshi immigrants also included more additional objects within their landscape drawing in contrast to the three Western raised samples. These findings reinforce the results of Masuda et al’s (2008) study were Japanese subjects also produced higher horizons and more objects in contrast to the American subjects. This represents a division in the thinking styles across cultures (Nisbett et al 2001), as Bangladeshi immigrants appear to possess a holistic mode of thinking which is reflected by a higher horizon to allow more contextual objects to be included in relations to the drawing as a whole. However British born subjects who were raised in a Western society, instead appeared to display an analytic style of thinking. This is indicated by the lower horizon which prevents objects from being drawn in relations to the whole landscape. Western participants also appear to have chosen not to draw as many additional items as Bangladeshi immigrants.

British participants born to Bangladeshi immigrants were highly similar to White British participants in terms of their I/C score, horizon height and number of addition items included in the drawing task, suggesting they are more individualistic and analytical than older Bangladeshi immigrants. It appears as though this younger generation of British Bangladeshi participants have assimilated and adopted the cultural values of the Western society they were born and raised in rather than ‘inherit’ their parents non-Western values. Furthermore this process of assimilation does not appear to be gradual but indicative of a ‘one generation’ form of assimilation as British Bangladeshi participants are not intermediate between the non Western- Bangladeshi subjects and White British white. In contrast, Heine’s, (2007) meta-analysis identified a slower form of assimilation occurring in the first generation of Asian Americans born to East Asian immigrants and raised in America. The Asian Americans were found to be intermediate between East Asian and American participants, in their levels of self enhancement. Although Kurman’s, (2001) study found that self enhancement is not necessary restricted to individualist cultures as well as highlighting a negative correlation between modesty and self enhancement motive in East Asian participants from Singapore. Nevertheless Bangladeshi born participants who immigrated to the UK maintained their non-Western values regardless of residing in the UK for a long period of time and appear to be unreceptive to the cultural influences and values emanating from the British society.

This rapid ‘one generation’ form of assimilation can be due to several factors for example it can be speculated that perhaps a difference in UK schooling and education influenced this rapid form of assimilation in British Bangladeshi participants in contrast to the schooling in America. Perhaps British Bangladeshi participants were able to interact with British culture to a greater extent increasing the transmission of British values. British Bangladeshi participants may also be more susceptible to adopting British values due to a sensitive period of acculturation during development. This period for acculturation was highlighted in Cheung et al’s (2011) study which found that the younger Chinese immigrants were at the time of immigration, resulted in an increasingly rapid rate of identification and assimilation into Canadian culture. In addition this identification with Canadian culture increased if these young immigrants resided in Canada for a longer period of time, however the opposite affect was observed in older immigrants although this was not statistically significant. Therefore it is proposed that British Bangladeshi participants who were born in the UK and therefore experienced this sensitive period of acculturation from birth consequently lead to a longer period of exposure to Western values. This could perhaps explain the rapid rate of assimilation demonstrated by British Bangladeshi participants into British culture. However older Bangladeshi immigrants may have missed this sensitive period of acculturation, as most immigrated to the UK above the age of 14 and thus may have formed a stronger association and identification with their own Bangladeshi culture, despite residing in the UK for a longer time than the British born Bangladeshi participants.

Internet use among participants appears to be a strong predictor of scores achieved on the individualistic and collectivistic scale as well as the horizon height and number of addition items drawn. A greater use of the internet was reported in British born subjects who consequently attained a lower score on the I/C scale, a lower horizon height and fewer addition objects, suggesting a more individualistic view of the self and analytic style of thinking, while the opposite was noted in the Bangladeshi immigrants. The underlying reasons behind this relationship is not fully understood and requires replication, however perhaps this popular medium encourages a sense of independence in these British born users by allowing them to escape from reality and from having to form ‘real relationships’ with proximal groups. For example Nie et al, (2002), suggest that an increase in global communication and involvement via the internet results in a reduced connection and interest in local communities. Furthermore internet use is leading to a phenomenon called ‘Networked individualism’ which is defined as ‘the movement from densely-knit and tightly-bounded groups to sparsely-knit and loosely-bounded networks’, (Wellman, 2001). Bangladeshi immigrants who were found to be more collectivist than British born participants, perhaps posses more stronger ties their immediate community which is evident in their low level internet use.

The classifying and categorizing of cultures as either individualistic or collectivistic is not that simple as culture is not absolute. According to Fiske (2002), ‘culture is neither is black or white but a rainbow of colours.’ The ‘out dated’ concept of homogeneity within a culture is very vague and invalid, as a culture is rarely ever completely individualist or collectivist for example it is possible to find non-Western participants who hold independent views of the self amongst a sea of collectivists and vice versa.

As a result there is a vast amount of criticism regarding the use of these two constructs ‘individualism’ and ‘collectivism’ in attempting to explain cultural and cross cultural differences, whereby both constructs are conceptualized as being at opposite ends of a continuum. For example, Fiske (2002) found that Japanese culture, can be more individualist than western cultures, depending on how the studies are set. It should also be noted that one type of collectivist culture is not the same as another collectivist culture and the same applies for individualistic cultures Triandis (1995, 2001). Therefore measures which may indicate collectivism in one culture may not necessary measure collectivism in another culture, resulting in that particular culture being wrongly labeled ‘individualist’. For instance the Scandinavian culture, which is more individualist than the North American culture, is non-competitive and finds referring to the self, shameful (Fiske, 2002). Furthermore this notion that differences between cultures are concrete and unchangeable i.e. a culture is either collectivistic or individualist has lead to concerns regarding stereotyping among cultural psychology research (Heine & Norenzayan, 2006). At an attempt to solve such concerns, Triandis, (1996) proposed that there are four types of cultures; Horizontal Individualism, where people strive to be unique, Vertical Individualism, where people want to do their own thing and are very achievement orientated, Horizontal Collectivism: where people assimilate into their in-groups; and finally Vertical Collectivism, characterized by submission to the authority figures of the in-group and a sense of self sacrifice for the best interests of the in-group. This is substantial progress in comprehending the scale of variation in individualism and collectivism within a culture to a more multi dimension perspective.

The implication of these criticisms is that the results of this study cannot validly conclude that Bangladeshi immigrants are all collectivists and have holistic styles of thinking or that British Bangladeshi participants and younger and older generations of British white participants who were all born and raised in a Western society are less collectivistic and holistic than these Bangladeshi immigrants. As mentioned this study was proposed to emphasis the cultural differences across the human race however this cannot possibly be achieved by ignoring variation that exists within a culture and simply generalizing a culture as being either solely more collectivist or more individualist.

There are also several concerns regarding the measures of individualism/collectivism. Firstly Triandis and Gelfand‘s (1998) scale for measuring individualism and collectivism has been criticised for utilizing a arbitrary numerical rating to measure the validity of a statement. For example take the statement ‘I feel good when I cooperate with others’ , one participant might rate this as 3 while another as 6, does that mean that the latter participants response is twice as validIn addition the use of Likert scales incorporated into I/C questionnaire does not provide any insight into whether a person likes cooperating with others, but it is almost like an instant subjective, reductionist answer which is dependent on the participant’s frame of mind, understanding of the sentence and therefore not free of context assessment. After all for how accountable can such numerical mean ratings be in validly indicating cultural variation, (Kitayama, 2002).Furthermore classifying an individual as collectivist or individualist is dependent on whether their score on the I/C scale is lower or greater than ‘4’ i.e. neither collectivist or individualistic. The use of the value ‘4’ itself is arbitrary highlight additional concerns of whether it is a true neutral midpoint.

In general the validity of measurements is an issue within all of psychology. The use of Likert scales have also been criticised as being influenced by response styles, for example it has been found that participants from one culture are more likely to select an answer from the centre of the scale in comparison to people from another culture, (Chen et al, 1995). Differences in responses could be due to several reasons such as brain lateralization; whereby dominance in one hemisphere of the brain leads to a preference in one side of the visual field and thus a preference in either the right hand side or left hand side of the Likert scale. As a result the validity of this measure is severely compromised as responses may not be reflecting how a participant view’s themselves but merely an indication of which side of the scale participants prefer. Subjective Likert scales also often require social comparisons which further affects the validity of cross cultural measures, Heine et al (2002) has been referred to this as the’ reference group affect’. The judgements individuals produce are due to the implicit comparisons they make with those around them; therefore people from different cultures have different reference groups from which they make implicit comparisons from. The implication this has in reducing any real cross cultural variation is based on the different norm for a particular dimension used by cultures drawing comparison for a particular dimension i.e. how collectivistic or individualist a person feels they are. For example a person from an individualist culture may compare themselves to those who are more individualistic, thus producing a judgement they are not as individualistic as other members, when in actual fact they are.

One of the most notable criticisms of paper-pencil based tests are that they are highly liable to falsification and are prone to social desirability bias, that is answering questions with responses that the participant feels are socially acceptable. This is a particular problem as in the individualism/collectivism questionnaire, there are certain statements i.e. ‘parents and children should always stay together as much as possible’ that participants might agree with not because they want to but because they feel socially obliged to. Kitayama (2002) further proposes that self reflective questionnaires often tend to fail in accurately reflecting spontaneous responses of cognition, emotion and motivation, as how people would actually have in everyday social settings. In addition questionnaires which require retrospective responses are highly unlikely to reveal how a person would respond to a particular situation, especially if such an individual is very forgetful, thus distorting their response and producing unreliable results.

A limitation of this study is that participants were selected by opportunistic sampling as a result there may be certain extraneous variable which were not controlled for the most obvious being individual differences among participant, which may have influenced the results of this study compromising the validity of the results. For example if a participant had a history of being deceived and disappointed by others, it may cause them to strongly agree with statements such as ‘I’d rather depend on myself than others’. In general it is difficult to separate within culture variation from between cultural variation is that within culture variation, due to individual differences are derived from a completely different source of variation in contrast to between-cultural variation (e.g. language, history, customs etc), (Kitayama, 2002), as a result the validity of such questionnaire in measuring cross cultural variance is highly questionable. One way of avoiding measuring culture through an individual-level response was demonstrated by Kim and Markus, (1999), this involved examining the cultural messages present in magazines and advertisements as reflection of cultural shared beliefs and ideas thus allowing culture to be measured directly rather than subjectively through individuals. Furthermore Oysterman (2002) suggests that questions attempting to measure cross cultural differences should be structured so that they capture the core elements of culture, which are a set a values such as self-assertion, uniqueness, duty and group harmony. Despite the significant discrepancies regarding whether an individual level or cultural level approach should be implemented when analysing cross cultural variation, it should be noted that a cultural level of measure would ultimately prevent researchers from understanding cultural variation at a psychological level (Heine et al, 2002).

In addition a participant’s occupation may also be a variable which affected the results of this study, as the majority of participants for the younger generation of both cultures (Bangladeshi and White British) were university students. For example Fiske (2002) found that post-college aged adults tended to be more individualist while college-aged persons were inclined to be more collectivist. Therefore whether these participants were more individualist and less collectivist may be due to attending university rather than cultural differences. Furthermore the older Bangladeshi sample consisted of participants who were illiterate therefore the questions had to be translated into Bengali, consequently the meaning of a statement might have become altered during the translation as it isn’t possible to completely translate English into Bengali accurately or vice versa. In general language is a key problem for measuring cultural variation for example two English speakers from different cultures may have different semantic interpretations of the same sentence (Fiske, 2002). As a result these two people from different cultures when presented with a questionnaire may circle different scores for the same statement, even though realistically their cultures value that statement equally consequently reducing the validity.

Future experiments regarding cross cultural variation in terms of thinking styles and the views of the self may involve improved material which is not prone to deception or affected by social desirability biases. In terms of the methodological problems associated with questionnaires various solutions have been proposed for example in terms of abstract Likert scales which do not reflect a respondents true behaviour, Peng et al, (1997) suggests that specific behavioural contexts should be include in the measurements of attitudes. To resolve the reference group effect, Heine et al, (2001) suggest that a forced-choice formation i.e. choosing between two options; a collectivistic and individualist choice will prevent the need for comparison to a reference group thus enhancing the validity of the results but at a cost i.e. very specific concrete responses are provided, (Heine et al, 2002). Although primary observations of participants may be ideal and highly informative to measure cultural differences without the concerns of subjectivity and social desirability, as culture after all appears to be socially transmitted, realistically such methods are inconvenient and time consuming to implement.

A more objective way to measure cross cultural variation may involve some form of implicit measurement, whereby the independent and collectivist views of the self are indirectly measured. For example perhaps some form of visual assessment using images that represent individualism and collectivism could be used and the time person a spends on these two types of images is measured this would also alleviate concerns regarding language barriers . It would also be more valid and reliable to measure the cultural tendencies of British Bangladeshi participants longitudinally, i.e. to asses any changes in their views of the self or their style of thinking after a few years as well to observe whether an association with the British culture increases the longer these participants reside in the UK or whether it declines or comes to a halt after a certain period of time has passed. Furthermore a study which focuses on this ‘sensitive period of acculturation’ in terms of the relationship between rate of assimilation and age should include Bangladeshi participants who immigrated to the UK at different ages, similarly to Chen et al’s (1995) study. This could determine whether such a relationship does exist or whether older Bangladeshi immigrants who entered the UK above the age of 14 had different reasons for leaving Bangladeshi and therefore felt unable to fully embrace and involve themselves in the British culture. An alternative study could also measures the rate of assimilation of immigrants from a Western society who permanently relocate to a non Western society; it would be interesting to note how these participants interact with non- Western culture.

In general this study provides evidence which supports the notion that Western and non Western cultures do vary to a degree in various psychological traits, in this case Bangladeshi immigrants where more collectivist and holistic then the British born participants. Such findings further highlight the deeply ingrained problem within cultural psychology regarding the generalization of results obtained from one culture being applied to another culture thus shattering the notion of a universal human race. In addition this cross cultural variation appears to be fluid and liable to change as demonstrated by the cultural assimilation and adoption of Western values by British born Bangladeshi participants within one generation. However as Oyserman (2002) suggests researchers are almost too willing to accept any cross cultural evidence of indication as either individualistic or collectivist processes which could ultimately lead to the stereotyping of cultures. Although there is consistent evidence that the framework of Individualism and collectivism is useful, future research should strive to acknowledge core elements of culture as well as adopt methods of measuring cultural difference which possess higher validity, perhaps as Triandis, et al (1990) proposed the most successful approach may be one which combines multiple methodologies as a means of true cultural assessment.

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Lab Report Format for Separating the Components of “Panacetin” (2) and Recrystallization and Melting Point Measurement: Identifying the Components of “Panacetin” (3). Lab Notebook Title and Date Objective: Explain the purpose of the experiment and how you plan to accomplish it. Technique: Show the use of separatory funnel and evaporation of solvent setup Reaction(s): Include the main reaction for the experiment and isolation scheme Physical Data: List the molecular weight, melting point, boiling point, density, solubility, and hazards of all pertinent chemicals used in the experiment.

Data/Observations: Your observations of the experiment, a. Weight of initial panacetin sample. b. Weight of sucrose collected. c. Weight of aspirin collected. d. Weight of unknown compound isolated e. Weight of recrystallized unknown compound f. Melting point range of recrystallized unknown compound. g. TLC sketches with appropriate data for Rf calculations (Clearly label each column of spots on the page so I know what it is) h. Mixed melting point based on information from TLC Final Report ? Title Page.

Include: (1) the title of the experiment, (2) your name, (3) the due date, and (4) the date submitted ? Purpose of the Experiment. ? Background/Setup: ( 1 page) ? Discuss extraction theory and explain the general operation of the equipment ? Explain the theory behind isolation scheme ? Explain the purpose of recrystillization ? Procedure: reference the procedure (i. e. text or handout) and any changes that deviated from the original reference ? Data and Results: o Physical description for substance(s) isolated o Weight of initial panacetin sample. o o o o o o o o o

Weight of sucrose collected. Weight of aspirin collected. Weight of unknown compound isolated Weight of recrystallized unknown compound Melting point range of recrystallized unknown compound. Mixed melting point based on information from TLC TLC Cross reference with lab notebook Rf values from TLC (including the solvent used) Percent recovery of sucrose, aspirin and your unknown ? Calculations: Show sample calculations of the percent recoveries of sucrose, aspirin and your unknown and Rf calculations. ? Discussion. What was the identity of your unknown?

Explain in detail how you determined it, comparing the data you obtained with known values. Explain any discrepancies. (1 page) ? Conclusion: brief statement with final conclusion (restating the goal of the lab and summarizing important data showing that the goal was or was not achieved) ? Excercises: Lab 2 questions 1,3,5 Lab 3:1 and 2 Additional Question: Where in the separation procedure could you lose one or more of the Panacetin components? Explain which component could be lost in which step. Ignore trace amounts left in containers, or blatant spills.

Abstract

Preferences of many people are usually shaped and determined by several factors. Studies on effect on exposure of a given item cause an increase in liking to the given item or preferences, but studies using novelty preference have shown a different set of results (Barry and Johnston 2006: 123). Repeated stimulus affect image category whether novelty or familiarity preference emerges. Faces were found to elicit familiarity preference. In the present AOA study, preference judgments evolved in all the exposures. We therefore adopted the paradigm that objective judgment or passive exposure task contexts leads to varied results. The results indicated that segregation of the given preference biases across various objects. Preference for familiar faces is also determined by the age at which they are exposed to the image of picture. The paper has thus discussed all the possible mechanisms underlying preferences.

Introduction

Our preferences are influenced by experience in several ways. Our preferences lean towards that which we have not experienced in life (Smith et al. 2006: 592). Barry and Johnston (2006: 124) reiterate that people make preferences due to their extensive experience with the given items like familiar faces and scientific research has identified and investigated these trends. Generally, familiar objects are preferred than novel or new objects. The results in the present experiment may have varied because the data was obtained from different categories of personalities, subjects and paradigms. According to Smith et al. (2012: 209) the two bases of familiarity, novelty and preference elicit varied reaction across different categories of objects. The participants rated their preference based on the age of the acquired face and familiarity of the face. In a given sub-block one picture was shown in each of the trials thus became familiar. The other image was new in each of the trials so it was novel. The pictures of the same personality at different ages were also shown in a novel manner. The experiment tested three different types of pictures: familiar faces, early versus late acquired faces and a control tool. The respondents preferred repeated faces in the face stimuli as the experiment progressed. For the personality scenes, the new faces became preferred against the old faces. The control tool had no strong preference as bias was universal in either direction.

In the study by Moore et al. (2004: 423), the findings showed that familiarity and novelty preference between the personality faces replicated across various conditions as opposed to this study which had inconsistent results especially on the novel preference. This implies that repeated stimulus ought to have increased rather than decreased. The study thus cannot explain the cause of the inconsistency based on the type of stimulus as there is existence of a wide range of exposure on varied stimulus like words and photographs.

The effects of exposure on the desired preference may be altered by performing a desired judgment on every presentation (Moore and Valentine 1998: 490). Moore et al (2004: 422) states that explicit evaluation is possible in the performed task in the trial which may lead to a stronger habituation as compared to repeated stimuli which leads to novelty preference for the early acquired faces of the personalities. This therefore streams the hypothesis for the reaction time that familiarity preferences rely on automatic processing while novelty preferences demand a controlled cognitive processing (Morrison and Ellis 2000: 172). The present study was controlled by one major hypothesis: different kinds of tasks may lead to varied types of memory processing which can cause different effects on familiarity and novelty preferences. The present study relied on familiarity and novelty as its dependent variable while geometric pictures were used as the control tool in the study. The main objective of the present study was to examine the reaction time to face processing as a familiarity decision (Smith et al. 2012: 205). The independent variable of the study was to examine the extent at which segregation for novel and familiar faces can be formed due to exposure.

Methods
Participants

115 adults, who included both the graduates and undergraduate students, from London South Bank University took part in the study. All the respondents were not acquainted with knowledge about the purpose of this study. Out of 115 participants only 114 respondents turned up for the study. The study had 66.7% female respondents with 33.3% male. The participants had mean age error of .807 with a Standard Deviation of 8.658. The study comprised both UK and International students. The London South Bank University committee for protecting human subjects confirmed and approved this experiment. Later, all the participants were given an informed consent.

Stimuli

The present AoA study used IBM Compatible computers using Superlabs (Cedius Corporation) software which helped in storing the raw data (Morrison and Ellis 2000: 169). The experiment opted to incorporate a 20-inch LaCie monitor was controlled by a Dell computer. The experiment used a similar attractiveness pre-testing data and visual stimuli like that used by Moore et al. (2004: 431). The experiment used three categories of pictures: 10 early-acquired famous people pictures, 10 late-acquired famous people pictures and 20 unfamiliar pictures like geometric figures. Geometric elicit little choice bias thus was preferred in this experiment as a control tool. The faces of the personalities were generated by use of FaceGen into four major sub-categories based on the race (Barry and Johnston 2006: 90). The software categorized the faces into African, European, Asian and Indian with two distinct gender relations that is; male and female and further into young and old categories. The pictures of the personalities were black and white photos collected from various online sources. The pictures were divided into eight subcategories: footballers, politicians, show biz, comedians, religious leaders, celebrities, actors and actress and journalists. MathWorks Inc., a Matlab program generated the Geometric figures into Fourier descriptors which came up with four categories with properties such as simple versus complex and symmetry versus asymmetry (Morrison and Ellis 2000: 178). The AoA experiment categorized the geometric figures into eight distinct categories. In each of the subcategory of images, there were 20 pictures and the picture that had the median attractiveness rating was chosen as the ‘old’ picture. The experiment used this scheme to avoid introducing unwanted bias in the familiar or novel stimuli.

Design

The present AoA study sought a within-subject design. This is due to the fact that similar subjects, such as early-acquired and late acquired pictures, were used. Furthermore, the experiment comprised two major phases: a preference judgment phase and an experienced phase. The preference judgment phase consisted of 10 trials in each category and 20 trials for all the categories. Each of the preference judgment had eight subcategories while the experience phase had 20 trials with eight subcategories (Moore et al 2004: 427). The categories of pictures were run in each of the phases and blocks were assigned to each participant in the experiment. 8 subcategories were later run in each of the given blocks. Out of the 20 available subcategories of the faces assigned to each of the participants, 10 faces emerged from the participant’s race. All 8 subcategories were used in the geometric figures. In the blocks, the order of each subcategory was randomized.

Procedure

The participants viewed the pictures in the experience phase with an unlimited and self-paced viewing time frame for each of the trials. The participants were encouraged to take glances on each of the shown pictures. The participants were encouraged to be serious to the given stimuli as they were provided with a questionnaire which had Yes/No answer. However, the participants were not aware of the judgment phase until after the experiment. The participants were requested to make a relative judgment on the given pairs of pictures. The experiment used a 7-point scale where respondents were asked made their verdict with a rating of 1-3 on the left and a rating of -1 to -3 on the right. Zero point indicated no response on the given set of picture (Barry and Johnston 2006: 203).

The participants were shown pictures sized 256?256 randomly. Two sets of pictures, that is old versus new were shown side by side. The pictures were randomly shown on either left or right in a random manner. The central point of each picture was located at 10° of the given visual angle. Face pictures were located at 12° ? 12° with geometry pictures shown at 17° ? 12°. Later a response indicator frame of 36°? 1.5° was located below the central point at 12.7° in the response phase. The movement of the indicator from 1-3 in either direction indicated a relative preference rating (Moore and Valentine 1998: 507).

Results

The present study recorded a positive preference rating; the repeated ‘old’ picture was preferred as than the repeated ‘new’ picture. We analyzed the rating of the first preference rating of the sub-blocks. The mean Reaction Time to the early-acquired faces was 887.13 and recorded a Standard Deviation (SD) of 244.691. The present study recorded a mean Reaction Time (RT) to the late-acquired celebrities of 963.28 and a Standard Deviation of 283.463. More so, the present study recorded a mean RT to unfamiliar faces of 1021.18 and SD of 276.448. A repeated mean measure of the faces against the image category revealed a huge significant difference among the three image categories. To evaluate if there was a significant choice bias towards the novel or familiar pictures, we tested the sign test for the two entries. The results indicated a negative z-score for the mean RT to late-acquired faces against the mean RT to early-acquired faces of -5.782. The sign test for the two categories indicated a significant value of .000. The results indicated that familiar celebrities’ faces were significantly preferred with mean RT to late-acquired faces showing a negative difference of 26 which implies that mean RT to late-acquired faces is less than the mean RT to early acquired faces. The present study indicated zero frequency between the mean RT to late-acquired faces and the mean RT to early-acquired faces.

Discussion

The above results showed preference for the familiar celebrities faces with no preference bias towards novelty or familiarity. There was no preference over control tool (geometric figures) after the 20 repetitions to each ‘old’ picture. Recent studies indicate that natural/control tool is inconsistent with exposure effect where repeated pictures were preferred (Moore and Valentine 1998: 510). The present study sought to explain why there was no exposure effect for the control tool/geometric figures. This can arise due to the way the stimuli were presented. The present study presented the images side-by-side while Barry Johnston (2006: 80) state that in the mere exposure effect, one picture is presented at a time.

In a study by Smith et al (2012: 209), there was no novelty preference bias in the control tool and development of a novelty preference for the control tool requires a detailed performance of preference judgment during exposure. The present study omitted the preference task but instead used 20 trials which failed to elicit a significant preference bias (Morrison and Ellis 2000: 178). The results in the present study suggested that familiarity preference can be induced by passive perceptual exposure but for novelty preference to occur there must be some certain level of selection or processing. This implies that task-context of different experience has varied preferences which ought to be accounted for to help understand other novelty and familiarity mechanisms. From the present study, it is evident that differences between novelty preference for control tool and familiarity preference may be avoided through omitting the object categories and the task-context experience (Morrison and Ellis 2000: 171). Similar study with same variables ought to be carried out in the presence of financial or commercial relationship and measure its effect on the results.

Bibliography

Barry, C. and Johnston, R. A. (2006).Age of Acquisition Effects in Word and Object Processing. Hove, East Sussex: Psychology Press.

Moore, V. and Valentine, T. (1998). The Effect of Age of Acquisition on Speed and Accuracy of Naming Famous Faces. Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology, 51A (3), 485-513.

Moore, V., Smith-Spark, J. H. and Valentine, T. (2004). The Effects of Age of Acquisition onObject Perception. European Journal of Cognitive Psychology, 16(3), 417-439.

Morrison, C. M. and Ellis, A. W. (2000). Real Age of Acquisition Effects in Word Naming and Lexical Decision. British Journal of Psychology, 91, 167-180.

Smith-Spark, J. H., Moore, V. and Valentine, T. (2012). Long-Term Age of Acquisition Effects in Famous Name Processing. ActaPsychologica, 139, 202-211.

Smith-Spark, J. H., Moore, V., Valentine, T. and Sherman, S. M. (2006). Stimulus Generation, Ratings, Phoneme Counts, and Group Classifications for 696 Famous People by British Adults Aged over 40 Years. Behavior Research Methods, 38(4), 590-597.

Abstract

The research here has looked at the impact that cold water immersion has on the physical performance of athletes and the way in which this immersion can impact on fatigue. The results showed that cold water immersion has a direct impact on the level of fatigue with those that have used cold water immersion will show less fatigue and will perceive themselves to be using less energy in achieving the same grip.

Introduction

The purpose of this practical experiment is to look in more detail at the use of cold immersion as a means of dealing with a variety of problems such as pain and trauma. The aim of this research is to look at how cold immersion can be used as part of the treatment of athletes (Bell, et al 1987).

Issues associated with cold immersion have many potential applications both in terms of dealing with injuries, as well as encouraging recovery from exertion in a relatively quick manner. The background literature will be drawn upon in relation to this issue, in order to focus on the precise information that is expected to be gleaned from the chosen laboratory report. However, it is important to note, at this early stage, that the main aim of the experiment undertaken here is to focus is on looking at the recovery of grip strength when an individual has their hands immersed in cold water. The subjects involved were not those with injuries and therefore the primary focus is on the impact that cold water immersion has on the grip of an individual where there is no injury present; the principle, however, could potentially have a broader application in the context of recovery following exertion, or where there is an injury present (Halvorson, 1990).

Sports related injuries have increased, in recent years, as more people are participating in recreational sports as well as an increase in opportunities to enjoy sports on a more competitive basis. With this in mind, the possible treatment of injuries or indeed the prevention of injuries is of increasing concern, not only to those who participate in sporting activities, but also to the National Health Service itself which is allocating an increasing amount of resources to treating those with sporting injuries which could have potentially been prevented or at least treated more immediately, without the requirement for medical intervention.

The treatment of cold water immersion is therefore seen as particularly relevant to this discussion, as it is a self-help treatment which could be undertaken by any individual, without the need for medical intervention. Furthermore, where there are particular signs of success in using this treatment, it may be possible for injury to either be prevented, or the impact of these injuries diminished, to such an extent that savings are made within the Health Service.

The experiment here looked at whether or not there is an effect on muscle fatigue, as well as considering the subjective impression that the individuals had over their fatigue, with the individuals undertaking handgrip contractions with cold immersion happening in between effective exercises (Johnson et al 1990).

Not only is the actual physical level of the grip looked at as part of the experiment, but also the perceptions of the individuals, as this is also thought to be an important aspect of treating sports’ injuries. By looking at the perceptions that an individual has about their own strength and ability to maintain a strong handgrip, as well as measuring the physical level of strength they are displaying, any discrepancies can be identified. This, again, presents a potential argument that individuals who have been treated in a certain way will perceive themselves to be in a better place, or more able to undertake sporting activity, even when it may not necessarily be reflected in their physical status.

In order to gain the relevant information from the experiment being undertaken here, it is first necessary to look at previous literature in the area of cold water immersion, with reference to both recovery time and recovery from injury. Much of the previous research which has focussed on sports rehabilitation has considered the success of various different sports rehabilitation programmes in relation to one particular area of injury, such as tendonitis related injuries. Moreover, when focusing on the ability of an individual to recover from such a sports injury, the literature typically takes a broader view than simply looking at one technique such as cold water immersion. For example, in the paper undertaken by Levy et al., in 2009, the focus is placed on five areas that would be relevant to recovery from a sports injury, namely confidence, coping, social support, motivation and pain, indicating that an individual’s ability to recover from a sports injury or to fend off fatigue would depend as much on surrounding factors and emotional issues, as it does on physical treatment (Levy, et al 2009).

In this context and applying this to the current research, it would be expected that looking at the perceived level of exertion being displayed by the subjects would offer information as to whether or not the general emotional strength of the individual has a bearing on the level of fatigue experienced and the reaction to cold water treatment (Halvorson, 1990).

Distinctions have been found in previous literature in this area in relation to the way in which or those with a particular affiliation with a sport will undergo a recovery period, in comparison to individuals who simply participate in sports activities, from a recreational perspective. This would suggest that those primarily involved in rehabilitation from a recreational point of view will be focused more on the reduction of pain, rather than from the standpoint of enhancing performance. Bearing this in mind, it could be argued that the reaction to cold water immersion may well vary, depending on the underlying goals of those involved. For example, a professional athlete may be more motivated to ensure consistently strong athletic performances and will therefore be less likely to experience fatigue, whereas those who are more recreational in their attitude may be less likely to push themselves in terms of the level of exertion that they display.

Methods

All specific procedures were followed according to the Coventry University laboratory manual. The experiment involved 20 maximal handgrip contractions with a rest period of 20 seconds between each exercise, followed by 2 minutes of the hand being submerged in water which was either 5° or 20° temperature; then a further 20 maximal hand grips were used. A 20 minute rest period was then had while another group would undertake their exercise, before completing the exercise all over again. Throughout this process, the force being generated with each contraction was recorded, in order to gain an understanding as to whether the immersion treatment would improve the situation, or not. All of this is done without physical intervention from the tester at any point. By undertaking twenty separate periods of exertion and taking the average of each individual participant, it will be possible to gain an understanding of general trends associated with cold water immersion and the impact that this type of treatment can have on the regular activities undertaken by the individuals. Using both water immersion at 5° and 20° will also enable a meaningful comparison between cold water immersion and warm water immersion. Indeed, it could potentially be argued that any form of treatment may have an impact on the perceptions of the individual patient. In this case, averages were taken in order to allow for a meaningful analysis to be completed; however, it may be necessary to look at any instances of individuals who show unusual results, so as not to have the effect of skewing the overall results. It is also noted that a different set of individuals needed to studied, in the context of the impact of immersion in both cold and warm water and again this may have an impact on the results. Although both sets of individuals were subjected to the same test conditions and were asked to perform the test, both prior to and after exertion, so that the differential could be compared in a meaningful manner, this may be particularly relevant when it comes to the rate of perceived exertion, as perceptions are clearly more of an individual factor that will vary from person to person.

RPE (Rating of Perceived Exertion) was also recorded to identify any difference between actual and perceived levels of fatigue). RPE was obtained for each individual, both before and after immersion in cold or warm water, depending on the individual being questioned. This was done as an overall figure, rather than after every individual immersion, as there were concerns that if the individual was asked several times about their perceived level of exertion, they would begin to answer without careful thought and simply respond based on their previous response, rather than as a meaningful assessment of the level of exertion displayed.

Results

The results of the experiments are discussed here with graphical and quantitative representation included in the appendix. A total of 16 individuals (in 2 groups of 8) were used as part of the experiment involving both warm and cold water, with the level of exertion recorded throughout. When looking at the average level of exertion across all 20 grips and eight individuals (in total 160 results), the average before being immersed in warm water was not significantly higher than the average after being immersed in warm water, with a difference of just 0 .12; interestingly, the perceived level of exertion actually increased by a not particularly substantial 0.6.

When looking at the level of force being displayed by the eight individuals who immersed their hands in warm water, prior to the immersion, it could be seen that there was a relatively wide variance even among the subjects themselves, with one person showing an average force of 23.5 and another showing an average force of 50.05. However, when looking, in more detail, at the individual 20 different tests taken by these individuals, there was a relatively high level of consistency across each of the 20 grip tests. For example, the subject who showed the low average of 23.5 displayed the highest force of 27 and the lowest of 20, showing that the average of 23.5 was in fact a fair reflection of their own grip, albeit substantially less powerful than the other subjects in the experiment.

In contrast, the position in relation to those who had immersed their hands in cold water showed an increase in the level of the average force which increased by 1.7. There was also a trend in the perceived level of exertion, indicating that those individuals who had been immersed in cold water and who had a higher level of force after the immersion did not actually perceive themselves to be working any harder a statement which is supported by the earlier research undertaken by Tomlin and Wenger in 2001. This suggests that the immersion in cold water showed more consistent results when it came to the perception of exertion being used, with the subjects on average showing no fatigue. Despite this, only one of the subjects stated that they found no difference in the level of exertion between before and after immersion, with all other subjects showing either a slight increase or a decrease. On average, however, when looking at all of the subjects, there was no difference in the overall level of perceived exertion.

As was the case with those subjected to warm water immersion, showed generally a higher level of force, with one of the individuals showing an average force of 48.1, prior to immersion, and another showing 24.55, prior to immersion. This indicates that there were substantial variations amongst the subjects and, as such, taking averages was perceived as being the most appropriate method when looking at the overall impact of immersion, without having to take account of individual strengths and weaknesses.

Discussion

The results produced during this laboratory experiment indicate that the use of cold water immersion can decrease the level of perceived effort, to such an extent that greater strength can then be displayed by individuals when completing a handgrip (Halvorson, 1990). This is despite the fact that the individuals undertaking the experiment did not perceive themselves to be using greater exertion, after their hands had been immersed in cold water. It also became readily apparent that immersion in cold water had an impact on the level of fatigue experienced and the ability of the subjects to recover from exertion. Despite the fact that the respondents said that they, on average, experienced no difference in the level of perceived exertion, there was a clear indication that they were able to display more force after immersion in cold water than they were beforehand which supports the findings of Sanders in 1996. Similar results were not shown in the case of warm water immersion and very little change was experienced in the actual level of exertion, and the perceived level of exertion actually increased. Applying this to the background literature and understanding, it could be seen that the main result ascertained from this laboratory experiment is that cold water immersion decreases the “normal” levels of fatigue and allows for quicker recovery, post exercise (Johnson et al 1979).

These results suggest that there is merit in the argument that the use of cold water immersion can improve athletic performance, as individuals are able to show greater strength and force, without increasing their level of perceived exertion. With this in mind, it is suggested that cold water immersion be explored, in greater detail, as a means of improving athletic performance. It is also suggested from these results that cold water immersion could have broader applications for the treatment of injury or pain, although the experiment here is focussed on the level of strength and impact on fatigue. Applying these findings, alongside the background understanding, allows this report to suggest that cold water immersion could be used as a means of treating sports injuries, or those suffering from muscle fatigue following sporting activity. As cold water immersion would ultimately allow an individual to recover from exertion at a quicker rate, it would then be possible to argue that the same physical benefits could be obtained during the use of the cold water immersion when dealing with the recovery from injury or, indeed, the prevention of injury, by reducing the level of fatigue experienced.

Conclusions

The laboratory experiment undertaken during this research looked specifically at the impact that water immersion has on an individual’s ability to grip forcefully, by looking at a set of individuals who immersed their hands in warm and in cold water. Through comparing the level of force that they were able to display, it was possible to ascertain whether or not any trends are emerging in terms of the level of fatigue experienced and how cold water immersion would have an impact on this.

It was found that those who had immersed their hands in cold water experienced less fatigue in their grip and, importantly, their own perception of exertion being exercised, thus indicating that it is not only the actual level of grip that increases, but also the fact that they perceived that their level of exertion had not changed during the test. It was concluded, therefore, that the use of cold water immersion can not only offer solutions for those experiencing fatigue, but also for those looking to increase the sustainability of athletic performance, over a longer period of time.

The results of this experiment also need to be considered in the context of the literature presented previously, which suggests that the level of recovery and reaction to fatigue may depend on the motivations of the individuals involved, with professional athletes being more likely to react positively to such activities.

References (other research looking at this issue is detailed below):

1. Bell, A.T., Horton, P.G., 1987. The uses and abuse of hydrotherapy in athletics: a review. Athletic Training 22 (2), 115–119.
2. Byerly, P. N., Worrell, T., Gahimer, J., & Domholdt, E. (1994). Rehabilitation compliance in anathletic training environment. Journal of Athletic Training, 29, 352-355.
3. Halvorson, G.A., 1990. Therapeutic heat and cold for athletic injuries.
4. Physician and Sportsmedicine 18 (5), 87–92
5. Johnson, D.J., Moore, S., Moore, J., Olive, R.A., 1979. Effect of cold submersion on intramuscular temperature of the gastrocnemius muscle.
6. Physical Therapy 59, 1238–1242
7. Levy, A., Polman, R, Nicholls, A and Marchant, D (2009) Sports Injury Rehabilitation Adherence: Perspectives of Recreational Athletes. ISSP 7: 212:229
8. Sanders, J. (1996). Effect of contrast-temperature immersion on recovery
9. from short-duration intense exercise, Unpublished thesis, Bachelor of applied Science, University of Canberra
10. Tomlin, D.L., Wenger, H.A., 2001. The relationship between aerobic
11. tness and recovery from high intensity intermittent exercise. Sports Medicine 31 (1), 1–11

The Effect of Biological and Nonbiological Material on the Reaction to a Changing pH Level This experiment was conducted to learn exactly how biological material responds to rising or dropping pH levels in comparison to how nonbiological material does. The dependent variable in this experiment was how the different materials react, and the independent variable was the type of material, biological or nonbiological. Tap water was the selected nonbiological material, and the generally known pH level for water is 7, or neutral.

Potato homogenate, liver homogenate and egg white solution was used as the biological material. A buffer solution that serves as a model of a biological material’s chemical that helps it carry out homeostasis was also used in the experiment, being tested in the same manner as the other materials. This topic was tested in order to confirm a tissue’s biological chemical processes, presence of buffers, and their ability to maintain its needed pH level for normal function.

For actually conducting the experiment, each material was measured out into 25 mL and put into a beaker to be measured for its pH level with pH paper. Then five drops hydrochloric acid was added to the beaker with a 0. 1M dropper, and then the pH level was measured again. This process was repeated until a total of 30 drops of HCl was added to the beaker. Each material was tested in this way, and then the same was done with each material, only adding sodium hydroxide with five drops at a time as well, measuring the pH level each time in between with pH paper.

If both biological and nonbiological material are treated in the same way with hydrochloric acid and sodium hydroxide to raise or lower the pH level, then the biological material will have less of a change in its pH level, because its biological tissues have natural chemical processes that regulate the pH level. If a chemical solution that is a model of a biological buffer is treated with hydrochloric acid and sodium hydroxide to raise or lower the pH level, then it will stay generally the same pH level as its start, because a buffer’s purpose is to regular the pH level of a biological material.

There Is no perfect society In the world, and there will never be any perfect society. People can have their Imagination on what they would prefer as their Ideal society and everyone varied from person to person. If I had the opportunity to create what I thought would be the Ideal society our world would be a completely different place. There would be so many changes to the world that we live in today. The idea behind my society is to bring people together and understand other cultures and what their beliefs, ideas, and norms are.

These changes will be explained in full details in the allowing paragraphs. We will begin with the physical features and geographical location of this place. My ideal world would take place on an island called La Islam Diverse. It would be located somewhere between west coast of the United States and the coast of Asia. The name would come from the word diverse, which would suit the inhabitants of the island. La Islam Diverse would be made up of sand, palm trees, plants, mountains and houses made from the wood/leafs from the palm trees themselves.

The Island would be about the same size of Texas and would be made up of about 100-150 Inhabitants. Much of the land would be unexplored and be available for the Inhabitants to go out and explore. The temperature on the La Islam Diverse would be the same year-round. During the day the temperature would vary between 80-90 degrees, and at night the temperature would drop to the ass’s. There would be days when it’s cloudy and rainy but the temperature would remain the same. The sun rises every morning at am and it will go down at pm.

La Islam Diverse would be such a beautiful place with beautiful weather, features, and also the people abroad the island. Up to now you may have questions and wonder what’s so different bout this Island than any other Island. The secret behind this Island is that it is an island where marijuana Is grown and cultivated by the Inhabitants as their Job. With Marijuana beginning to legalize in the United States, the Inhabitants live on this island rent free to work growing marijuana for the government. The Inhabitants have previously received training and certifications for the cultivation of this plant.

These people live abroad La Islam Diverse along with their families to grow marijuana that will later be sold in the united States. The island is ruled by the united States overspent and these inhabitants are paid extremely good money for what they do. The Island is protected by the united States Marine Corps, with absolutely no problems abroad the island. The people work form Imam-pm at various and specific locations spread across the island. La Islam Diverse is an island that only selected people may live abroad.

These people are selected by the government to travel to this island for up to a year with their family and where everything is provided. The families aboard this Island are fed, and taken care by through deferent institutions set up by the government. Nothing is paid for out of pocket by any of the Inhabitants, everything Is provided to them. One of the requirements before leaving the states and traveling to La Islam Delvers Is that you leave all monetary values home; any money found aboard the island will be confiscated. There are many rules and in that person and their family being sent back to the states.

Some of these rules include things such as: No reproduction will take place on La Islam Diverse, People found smuggling or smoking Marijuana aboard the island will be automatically be kicked off the island, and if any person is accused of committing a crime this will be enough to kick the person off the island. There are no doctors or hospitals aboard the island therefore any person who gets sick and is unable to perform the daily functions of the Job will be sent back to the states for proper medical attention. As far as the economy on La Islam Diverse, there isn’t one.

The people come onto this island under contract to work for a year and eligibility for an extension depending on their work quality. Everything is paid for while you and your family live on the island food, clothes, and any other necessity. At the end of your year the government will advise you of your eligibility to return for another year, it’s up to inhabitant to decide if he was to continue to work for another year. If he does not want to return or is simply not eligible to return they along with the family will be returned back to their lives in the states.

Upon leaving the island the government cuts the family a check for a significant amount for their labor aboard the island. The island is not dominated by one race or culture. The name of the island reflects the people of the island. Diversity is the most important and key behind this society. The goal of the overspent is to bring people from as many different cultures and races with many different beliefs, ideas, and norms to this island to integrate and see how people are able to adapt and work with each other.

With nowhere to go and having to live on an island with many people you are forced to adapt and get to know how other people work and are required to be able to work with these individuals. Any act of racism or hate crime towards any other inhabitant of the island automatically gets you kicked off and banned off the island with no pay. Of course there will be problems on the island because people with different views will have conflicts as their ideas will clash but the idea is being able to come together and work as one. After a serious offense is when people will be punished and even kicked off the island.

There is a process that must be gone through to be eligible to live on La Islam Diverse. First, a person must apply through a website after filling out a lengthy application the person is given an aptitude test based on diversity. The government will base the test results and choose people that are qualified for the position, and bring them in for a face to ace interview. During the interview they will find out more about the applicant and ask further questions regarding cultures and race. If the applicant is qualified after the interview he will be given a background package that needs to be returned within two weeks.

When the background check comes back and if the applicant has no prior criminal charges and no history that would disqualify him/her they get added to a list. The person if not certified to grow and cultivate marijuana must take and complete a seminar within a month of being accepted. Since the island is only able to eave a maximum occupancy of 150 inhabitants, the people that are hired and go through the process are put on a list that. As people’s years are up on the island these people are replaced by the qualified people on the list.

The process is lengthy but the right steps are taken to choose the right people to work on La Islam Diverse with no problems. Once on La Islam Diverse there are many things to do besides sightseeing. There are many boats, and Jet skis that families are able to reserve and rent for fun. There are many parks for families to bring their kids and integrate them with other different cultures and races. On the weekends no one works so it is used as time to come together with the other inhabitants and their families and become educated on diversity.

The island is always safe as no intruders are allowed onto the island and the coasts are patrolled by the Marine Corps. Any problems aboard the island are also handled and situated by the Marine Corps. This island is not Just created for people to come and work, the main focus of the island is that families use it as a tool and also an eye opening experience to learn about other cultures, beliefs, and norms of the other inhabitants on this island. In conclusion, my society and ideal world would be an experiment focused on the idea of integrating people and having them come together to work together.

Our world today is not aware of the millions of other people and beliefs of these people that exist today. La Islam Diverse is a form of education for people to understand cultures, beliefs, and norms of other people in the world today. When people are hired they are not told that they will be living with people from different backgrounds with different beliefs than them. It is the Job of the person to be able to adapt to the changes and having to open up and earn about the other people aboard the island.

The ideal situation is that people are able to adapt and work with other people at the same time learning and being open to changes and understanding that not everyone functions the same way. My society would be an experiment but a way for people to integrate while growing and working together to produce a drug that has been known to be able to bring people together. The best part of this whole experiment is that you make a significant amount of money if you’re able to adapt and come together and fulfill your requirement of at least on year.