Japanese Culture

In her book, Pink Globalization: Hello Kitty’s Trek Across the Pacific, Christine Yano

manages to assemble a very effective ethnography, first by providing in depth context into the spread of not only the Hello Kitty franchise but also what Yano calls Japan’s ‘cute-cool’ culture, and then following that with its reasons for success and effects, both positive and negative,

overseas.

Hello Kitty was initially started as a branding method for which its creator, Yuko Shimizu, was hired to create cute characters to better sell sandals in 1974. Since then, they became a marketing success, transcending their original target audience of young Japanese youth, and making its way to consumers of all ages and countries. Along with Hello Kitty, japanese culture of many different forms, including manga and anime, has made its way into overseas culture. Yano’s ethnography details the spread of this through in depth details and interviews, and how this has affected Japanese culture as well.

Yano began her book by explaining the ‘kawaii’ culture in Japan, but not just in terms of products, but even down to how it affects gender and sexuality and the meaning of ‘shojo’, which has been altered over time through popular media like manga. She then describes the processes of marketing and how this can cause artificial “happiness” created by the company, through changing aspects of their products to appeal to different demographics. After that, Yano picks apart different ways in which japanese products and culture have been given wide appeal outside of Japan, through interviews of consumers and previously mentioned marketing schemes. Finally, Yano sums up the ethnography by explaining the effects, both positive and negative, that the spread of japanese popular culture has had both overseas and the effect it has had in Japan.

I believe that Yano’s ethnography was very in depth and seemed to gather details from every angle. Often in ethnographies, the author tends to approach it from one perspective,

leaving a somewhat biased piece. However, Yano chose to include the negative effects as well,

and even though the book focused on the spread of Japanese products, she did not forget to show its effects in its country of origin. The ethnography left little to be desired, and left very few unanswered questions, if any at all. I often found myself relating to certain aspects of the book, especially when it mentioned that the goal was to make something like Hello Kitty recognizable even from minor aspects like just the ears and bow, and I realized that it has spread to my culture so much that I would also recognize that.

In conclusion, Christine Yano put together a very well researched and all encompassing ethnography, through her use of detailed interviews, incredibly detailed research, and ability to capture multiple angles of the spread of japanese culture overseas.

Works Cited

1. Yano, Christine Reiko. Pink Globalization: Hello Kitty’s Trek across the Pacific. N.p.: Duke UP,

   Print.

The movie Seven Samurai, directed by Akira Kurosawa and released in 1954, is based

around a small village of farmers who are presented with the direct danger of being attacked by a group of bandits looking to pillage their rice crop. Being both outnumbered and out-skilled, the patriarch of the village suggests they look for samurai to help fight against the bandits. Because the farmers only had three meager meals per day and shelter to offer samurai in return for their service, the odds of finding willing fighters seemed bleak. However, the farmers were able to convince a veteran samurai named Kambei Shimada who then recommends that they find six additional samurai. Eventually, Shimada is able to recruit six others; upon their arrival in the village, the samurai teach the farmers how to better defend themselves for the impending fight.

One of my favorite elements of the movie is the way that funny moments and comments are inserted among otherwise serious matters. The storyline in general is rather grave and non- comedic; however, with lighter instances contributed by different characters—especially Kikuchiyo—it makes the overall movie more entertaining, lighthearted, and engaging. Conversely, Kurosawa does an amazing job of conveying the situation in a way that allows the viewer to actually feel like part of the training and battle. Multiple cameras capture different angles of the final battle to provide realism and a sense of danger. Also adding to the highlights of the movie is the cast itself-specifically the seven samurai. Their quirky yet stoic variations in personality add immense depth to the film as well as their motivation for helping the farmers fight off bandits when there is really no significant reward being offered. So why would they help? Possibly because they so strongly believe in the integrity of their fight that it alone is compelling enough.

From the beginning of the film, it is clear that there exists a sort of social hierarchy with the destitute farmers as subordinates to the honorable samurai. The farmers feel uncertain and

appear nervous about confronting a samurai to ask for help, especially with very little to offer in return. After finally gaining the support of one samurai, the recruiting farmers become less apprehensive but remain respectful and obedient in his presence. Upon their arrival in the village, the inhabitants are all hiding from the samurai in their houses, and the samurai are left disappointed as they had expected a more gracious welcome. This scene in the movie highlights one possibility of the peasant-samurai relationship. Being farther out in the country, the farmers may have only heard of samurai in the context of vicious soldiers whose lust for power or women often overpowers his self control. A distorted perception though it is, the farmers may not have known any better than to hide. After eventually meeting the samurai, the villagers act similarly to the recruiting farmers: friendly yet subdued and realizing that the samurai is still in charge. In the training scenes, the farmers follow orders almost without hesitation because of this alpha and omega type of relationship.

One of the biggest discrepancies between the peasants’ and samurai’s ethics is selfishness. On one hand the samurai display quite unselfish behaviors as they willing elect to endanger their own lives to fight a stranger’s battle. Augmenting this selflessness is that fact that they do not take part because of an incentive but rather because they believe it is the right thing to do. While not all of the farmers act selfishly, many do. The prime example in my opinion occurs when a father chases down his daughter to cut her hair for fear that one of the samurai would be overly attracted to her. At one point prior to this he questions whether or not samurai should even be recruited on the basis that the wellbeing of his daughter outweighed the wellbeing of the village and crop. The farmer’s misunderstood view of the samurai and willingness to jeopardize the village illustrates selfishness. Also differing between the samurai and farmers is their overall demeanor. Samurai are pictured as dignified, level-headed, and

always prepared. They always maintain their composure and handle conflict with sang-froid and confidence. The farmers, however, are often seen in a panicked frenzy. They give a feeling of

helplessness and disorganization.

Seven Samurai, now considered by many to be a timeless classic, aptly displays the

interworking of a Japanese culture. Shown in the film is the vast difference in behavior between

the farmers and samurai but also their cohesion and ability to work together successfully toward a common goal.

Education in Japan, one will find various insights into Japanese culture. Japans approach to education reflects Japanese values.Modern Japan is quite an amazing place where people act proper and have great values. The Japanese people have a value system that can be reflected well by there educational system. Three main values are easily seen when you look at how Japanese schools function and are how they are structured. Respect is an everyday presence, proper presentation is always apparent, and effectiveness is seen, used, and unparalleled to the rest of the world.

Respect is a very strong part of culture in Japan. It is definitely a main value and is obvious if you visit any Japanese department stores. You are respected almost anywhere you go and are bowed to and greeted whenever you enter stores and elevators. This is also true to the rest of Japan. Respect can be seen in virtually all parts of the country and a good example would be when it rains by these department stores, associates hand out plastic bags to keep your umbrellas contained and clean. This is done as a courtesy to you. It is just an example of how you are even respected in stores.

Another value that is constantly seen is organization and good presentation. This is for good reason too, there are an amazing amount of people on the island, and organization of the living space, is an essential part to the survival with Japan’s current population. Proper presentation is seen when you buy items at these stores. When you buy any good it is wrapped beautifully and made ready for what ever event you need it to attend or use. This type of service always pleases people when they shop and reflects the way people are in Japan.

Effectiveness in Japan is also another great human value there. With the space restrictions of an island Japan needs to be effective all throughout the stores and the island. The layout of stores is always very precise and well thought out. Food and material goods are sectioned by floors. and help is extremely divided throughout the stores. Help can be found at any counter inside these stores. For convenience and speed restaurants are also located on the top floors of these department stores. It makes it very effective to shop then eat; this saves time which is a precious commodity to the Japanese.

Overall the Japanese have good morals and values that can be seen through out even basic places as department stores in Japan. That says a lot about the Japanese people, and it definitely shows how widespread the values are are there. Respect, organization, and effectiveness all intertwine with one another and make a society that is smart and competent. These values make up the basic parts of a very strong culture that is influential to the whole world.

Aside from European American culture, a culture that has always been interesting to me is Japanese culture. Japanese culture is very different from European American culture when it comes to their beliefs, values, and customs. To explain, some of the things Japanese culture consists of is using chopsticks to eat, not blowing your nose in public, not tipping, not pointing at others, and avoiding loud conversations on the phone in public (Putinja, 2017). In addition to those things, Japanese also bow instead of shaking hands when greeting someone, believe extended eye contact is disrespectful, believe silence should be included in conversations as a time of reflection, and open gifts in private instead of in front of the giver (Bernstein, 2017).

Taking all of that into consideration, there are many differences between Japanese and European American cultures. However, there are two main differences between these two cultures that stood out to me. These include the Japanese customs of not blowing your nose in public as well as avoiding loud conversations on the phone in public. For starters, the custom of not blowing your nose in public is very different in Japanese culture than it is in American culture. To explain, in America blowing your nose in public is common and socially acceptable. Whereas, in Japan this is considered nasty and impolite. Therefore, Japanese do not blow their noses in public locations. Instead they wear face masks and wait until they are in a bathroom or another private place before blowing their nose (Putinja, 2017). In addition to not blowing their nose in public, Japanese also do not speak loudly on the phone while in public locations. This is different from European American culture because in America it is very common to see individuals on their phone in public speaking loudly (sometimes even yelling). This is avoided in Japanese culture because they believe you should go to a more private location with less people before answering your phone in order to avoid disrupting the conversations of others (Putinja, 2017). However, if you must answer your phone in public, it is acceptable as long as you make the conversation as brief as possible and speak quietly (Putinja, 2017). In opposition to this Japanese belief, in America, we could care less how loud your phone conversation is or when you answer your phone. In fact, it is common to see individuals on their phone while paying for services at the register, ordering food at a restaurant, walking around town or in a mall, etc. This would be heavily frowned upon in Japanese culture.

With all of that being said, due to the fact that Japanese culture is so different from European American culture, this could impact my ability to care for a Japanese patient in a non-judgmental manner. For example, two cultural differences that could cause me to form cultural biases are how Japanese bow instead of shaking hands when greeting someone and how Japanese do not use extended eye contact when speaking to someone. In the first scenario, I approach a Japanese patient and try to shake their hand while introducing myself to them, however they refuse to reach out their hand and bow instead. This could create a cultural bias if I was not culturally competent in Japanese culture because I would not know that they bow instead of shaking hands. Therefore, I might become offended by their refusal of shaking my hand and begin to think that they think I am dirty and do not want to touch me, or I might think that they are being disrespectful. In the second scenario, I am speaking to a Japanese patient and they avoid looking me in the eyes and look at their lap or to the side instead. This could also create a cultural bias if I was not culturally competent in Japanese culture because I would not know how they normally behave in conversations. Therefore, I might begin to think that they are ignoring me and refusing to listen to what I am saying. I could also begin to think that they might not want to proceed with the procedure I am explaining to them, or that they are being disrespectful like in the previous scenario. When in reality they just believe that extended eye contact is disrespectful (Bernstein, 2017).

Normally, a people’s culture as the total way of life is as a result of the historical, socio-cultural developments of that community. The case is not any different from that of the Japanese culture. This development is clearly exemplified by the fact that virtually all of Japan’s culture such as the Shinto shrines, the beliefs and practices surrounding the shrine and the construction works are based on the myths and legends that were associated with leaders such as Sugawara no Michizane. Similarly, some of the architecture and practices were based on the beliefs concerning the pantheon of gods that characterized the Japanese culture.

According to the Japanese culture, mythology and folklore, the Sugawara no Michizane is the proper name for the Tenjin, the indigenous spiritual force that is also known as the personification and the embodiment of the ideal Japanese scholar, politician and poet. As another name for Sugawara no Michizane, Tenjin stands for both sky and deity, with the same denotation of ‘the god of thunder. ’ The history and culture of the ancient Japanese have it that Sugawara no Michizane rose through the ranks in the government during the late epoch of the 9th century.

Nevertheless, at the beginning of 10th century, Sugawara no Michizane succumbed to the plot of a rival group which had traces in the Fujiwara family. This resulted in his demotion and subsequent deposition to Kyushu. This development would later herald his lonesome death which paved way for drought, plague and widespread deaths among the populace in Daigo Empire. The princes of the empire would also fall herein. It is interesting to note that after this development, there were endless spates of lightning rainstorms and heavy deluge.

The gravity of the matter is that the locals interpreted these developments as phenomenal and supernatural attestations of the spirits being displeased and irked by the exiling of Sugawara no Michizane. This led to the building and construction of the Shinto shrine located in Kyoto. This shrine was later called the Kitano Tenmangu. In this regard, the office and post of Sugawara no Michizane was thus restored posthumously, while any mentioning of his exiling was totally expunged from the records (Samovar, et al 2009) .

As if all the above is not enough, Sugawara became deified as the Kami or the Tenjin-sama of scholarship and learning. It is against this backdrop that most of the Shinto shrines in Japan are dedicated to Sugawara no Michizane. Another important way in which the beliefs, superstitions and practices related to the gods affected the Japanese culture is found in the culture of burial and funeral rites. Particularly, the act is known to have been rejuvenated during the fourteenth generation of Haji family. At this time, Nomi no Sukune as the descendant of the god Amenohohi was the supreme leader.

As of the ancient days, during the rein of Emperor Suinin, the funeral arrangements and burial arrangements were primitive to the core, to an extent that the deceased would be buried alongside his kinsfolk. The burial of Empress Hibasuhime alongside the clay images of 300 potters at the behest of Nomi no Sukune in lieu of living retainers and relatives on the account of the need to have a just government was the first breakaway from the somewhat devious culture. This paved way to the assimilation of the culture of burying people with clay models, as opposed to the living.

With time, the culture of burying the dead with the aforementioned accompaniments soon became faced out. Similarly, it is the family of the Sugawara no Michizane that the Confucian movement as a religious way of life. At the same time, Confucian scholars arose from this group to supply the Japanese culture with the culture and spirit of intellectualism. The Haji, together with the middle rank of the Sugawara formed the society’s middle rank, mainly serving the ancient Japanese culture as courtiers.

Conversely, that the ancient Japanese culture has its genesis of the belief in the gods is well underscored by the fact that the Japanese culture has been believed to have emanated from the gods. In a closely related wavelength, it remains a fact that Furuhito gave the petition of concerning the Japanese family and history. It is against this backdrop that the Japanese family and culture is known to have been divided into three stages. The stages start with the legendary point or stages; the period of loyalty; and the period of the decline of the Yamato’s family status.

All the offshoots of the family are said to have descended from the god Amenohohi. Amenohohi on the other hands is said to have come about as a result of the gods, Amaterasu and Susanoo coming together in a procreating contest (Lebra and Lebra 2006) . The legend has it that Amaterasu took off to the cave, for which Susanoo followed in hot pursuit after her. At this point, Amaterasu is said to have swallowed Susanoo’s sword, giving rise to three girls who were known to be the children of Susanoo.

Afterwards, Susanoo swallowed Amaterasu’s jewelry, with the spitting out of five boys. These five boys are known to be the sons of the Amaterasu. Among the five sons is Amenohohi. The fact that this above account is seen to be ubiquitous to among the Japanese is well underscored by its appearance in Nihonshoki and Kojiki letters; albeit the letters exhibiting variations in details. The Kojiki source has the Amenohohi as the ancestor of the Izumo magistrate and the Haji family among five other local magistrates.

Despite the scantiness of evidence that would authenticate the accuracy and originality of the Haji account. It is suggested that the Haji sources originated from the Izumo who served in the Yamato courts and also as supervisors of funeral arrangements and pottery making during the ancient times. Investigation into the political and social institutions of the Yamato courts before the 645 AD Taika Reforms yield better and more productive information on the Haji family (Varley, 2000) .

Both historical and archaeological evidence point out that the affairs of the Yamato courts and Japan’s primordial social and economic structures are known to have dated as early as the pre-historic era. This standpoint is clearly underscored by the historians’ agreement and approach of dividing the tomb period together with all its markings of religious leadership from the middle tomb period as characterized by heavier military paraphernalia and symbols.

Given the above developments, it is easier to see that the Japanese culture was totally fixed upon concepts that bordered on: common lineage and history, to which it was believed that all the concerned clans emanated from the gods [Amaterasu and Susanoo]; common culture and common traditions and religious beliefs. References Lebra, T. S. and Lebra, W. (2006). Japanese Culture and Behavior: Selected Readings. New York: Prentice Hall. Samovar, L, et al. (2009). Communication between Cultures. New York: SAGE. Varley, H. P. (2000). Japanese Culture. New York: McGraw Hill.