Slavery

Today, my brain is a whirlwind of emotions: memories from my past. A past I would like to forget but can’t. I will begin my story, my story, from when I was just six years of age and taken from my family. It feels strange to look over the shores of my native lands, the same land on which I was sold to white men to work as a slave.

We the, Africans were seen as an inferior and uncivilised race, enough justification to be enslaved and treated little better than animals.My real name was Nkauwa but they called me Sam. My identity; my family; my culture; my freedom; they took everything from me and changed it. My life would never be the same again.

It was Nigerean slave dealers who rounded us up like cattle. The vast majority of us were caught during fighting against other African groups, prisoners of war. The rest were criminals like me, but my only crime was stealing fruit from the market, my punishment? a lifetime of enslavement.

Our hands were tied behind our backs with pieces of rough string that stopped the blood from reaching our fingers. Being six at the time I did not understand why women were crying, their shrieks of horror threw me off-balance and I panicked, I did not understand what was going on, nor did I recognise any faces around me. I asked a man behind me why they had brought us here and he told me sadly, ” to learn the ways of the white-faced people.” I felt so alone for the first time and I had a feeling I would be alone for a long while. I started to cry.

When the ship rose up through the horizon, all commotion stopped at the magnificent yet terrifying sight, I had seen boats but never on that scale before. The silence was tense with apprehension and fear of the unknown. When the ship had anchored, twenty of so rowing boats came to shore, filled with crates of guns, cloths and lead. It was the first time I had seen white flesh, by no means was it to be the last. Time was spent by both parties inspecting each others goods, as if we were merely objects of little value. They looked in our mouths and felt our muscle-p to see if we would be strong efficient workers. The white men showed the slave dealers how to operate thier new weapons and then we were rowed to the ship; little did I know of the conditions that would face me for the ten week voyage of hell.

I was soon put down under the decks, and there I received a stench in my nostrils I had never experienced in my life; we were packed so tightly we had just enough room to turn to turn ourselves and I could not stand up without my head touching the ceiling. The air was fetid, it nearly suffocated me. I began to vomit before the ships anchor had even been raised.

It was a scene of horror for the worst ten weeks of my life. The conditions and our hunger brought on sickness amongst us, many of whom died. The crew of the ship cleared the dead in the morning and fed us barely edible, meagre meals. The wretched situation was aggravated by the chains and filth we were living in . At some point in the journey the crew must have realised that if they kept us under the deck for the whole journey there would be no slaves left, so they let small groups on the deck every few days.

I sobbed to myself most nights but no one comforted me apart from the groans of the dying. At times I wondered to myself, if this is just the journey, what would the destination be like? The suffocating smell brought sharp, stabbing pains upon my lungs. When we were finally taken off the boat, I was almost too weak to move and I felt terrible. Welcome to America!

As I was carried off the boat, the wind hit my face like an explosion and my body siezed up with pains shooting through my muscles. We stood in a yard in the docks, suddenly the doors were thrown open and a considerable number of men waving money and rope rushed towards us in a scramble. The men had the ferocity of brutes as they grabbed frantically at us; again I experienced the touching of muscles and inspecting our teeth, precisely as a jockey examines a horse. It is scarcely possible to describe the confusion and fright I felt as a small child. A tall, scruffy man with a long beard and hat grabbed my shoulders and shoved me in a corner with the rest of his chosen purchases, grumbling ” This one looks like and investment.” The choas continued as we were led away and put on the back of his horse and cart. The man was swearing and smoking his pipe when in a temper, he whipped the horses into a trot. We were off!

I was still adjusting to the change of environment from the ten weeks under deck and my body was in a lot of pain. As we travelled through the hustle and bustle of the Southern town of Missisippi, Louisiana, we entered the rural countryside and after an hour or so we stopped at a large, wooden farmhouse, complete with a mill that was spurting out clouds of white smoke from its chimney into the clear blue sky. Aproaching closer I noticed behind the mill, a small village of huts and a huge open plantation with with cotton plants growing in thick formations.

We were escorted off the cart and brought into another yard outside the farm house from where we were called up one by one to enter the house. It was a very nervous wait and I noticed lots of other black workers already in the fields. I had no idea what was going on but when I was called up I knew something terrible was going to happen by the way the man looked at me with a mean and menecing smile which sent shivers down my spine that I can still remember to this day.

He walked towards me and grabbed me by my ear and dragged me inside, to a room containing a large fire place with a crackling fire. Next to the fireplace stood an African house servant and in the centre of the room a desk with the tall, bearded man who drove the cart. He stopped writing, looked up at me, poured himself a glass of whiskey and drank it in one go. The man proceeded to talk to the servant in English, and in turn the servant translated it into Nigerean and repeated it to me.

“Your name’s Sam, call me boss, you’ll work only for me now, pickin’ cotton on my plantation, sunrise to sunset.” He paused and then said ” If I catch you slacking or even worse, trying to escape, you will be whipped till the skin falls off your back, do you understand, me?” I looked at the man behind the desk blankly, he nodded to the servant who in turn advanced behind me and pinned me to the desk. I desperately tried to wriggle out of his firm grip but, it was useless, the more I struggled the more the boss laughed, he strolled to the fireplace and reached inside to reveal a red-hot branding iron which he used to torment me by holding it close to my face, making beads of sweat form from the heat and from fear. I was begging, pleading for his mercy but he didn’t listen, he pushed it hard against my forehead, producing a horrifying hissing noise and the foul smell of burning flesh. It would be a mark that would never leave me, It hurt physically and mentally; to be branded like cattle, an act of pure evil.

The pain was unbearable. For days I couldn’t concentrate on anything but the burning sensation, it made me violently sick with fever but I was expected to start work straight away. I was given a huge hand woven basket to fill, I watched to learn the correct technique, a fairly simple task; picking the white flowers by twisting the stems on which they form along the main branches. The plants grew in dense lines which were the same height as me, it was very easy to get lost in the endless jungle of the plantation fields.

As the day turned into night and there was not enough light to work in we were given a form of corn meal in tin bowls, it had been produced cheaply with few nutrients. I was also issued with new clothing made from very coarse cotton; uncomfortable to wear but much better than the filthy rags I wore on the ship. No shoes were issued, I still walked barefooted, everywhere I went. The new slaves were put into the accommodation of the already over-crowded huts. The tiny wooden, dank huts were set out in rows and contained no sanitation at all. The huts were filthy a perfect breeding ground for disease. They were window-less and smelly, with broken glass, old shoes and rags that littered around the floor. I squeezed into a hut, with ten people, cold and in a place thousands of miles from our homes. I missed my family. I felt the power of death over life , I knew what I had to do, I had to escape.

I lay awake for the best part of the night, planning for the best method and timing for my escape. After hours of thought I realised, there was no easy way out and now was as good a time as any other. At this point everyone in my hut was asleep. My heart was racing, I sat up, took a deep breath and opened the creaking, rotting door, I started to run, passing the house, then the gate and then the sign post. I ran like the wind and I didn’t slow down. I was running on nothing but the fuel of my anger, the anger I had built up inside me, since the very first moment I was captured. I didn’t stop until I felt safe and my lungs were gasping for air.

I kept a steady pace up and by the time I reached the town the sun was rising in the East but it was far too early for people to be out and about. As I entered the wharf I remembered the fact I still had no idea how I was to get on a ship heading back to Africa. My heart sank and I slumped down behind some crates and began to cry. I was convinced I would not get any further until…. suddenly I heard a voice getting closer, it sounded like two English sailors talking but one had a strong African accent. I tried to stay hidden but they picked up the crate I was behind and spotted me.

“Hey, what you doing ‘ere, Your not supossed to be round ‘ere,” The white sailor said in a gruff voice. The African was quick to notice I had already been branded and must have ran away from my master. He asked me, in Nigerean, my name and what I was doing here. I told them my story and they it turned out we were from the same part of Nigeria and were stopping there on their way back there for some illigitimate trading of tea leaves and tobacco. They were both kind men and disagreed with the principle of slavery, they were quick to take pity on me and put me in an empty crate to hide me until on the ship.

The trip back was much more comfortable than before. Although I slept below deck with the crates, I was allowed on deck whenever I wanted. I never went hungry for that ten week trip and rebuilt much of my strength. I showed gratitude for my rescue by doing odd jobs around the boat, usually cooking for the crew or scrubbing the deck.

When we reached the main port of Nigeria I was so happy, it was a terrible ordeal for anyone to go through and something I was lucky to survive. The scar on my forehead is a constant reminder and my mental scars will never go away but I learnt many things during that time. I will never again take my freedom for granted and I cherish every moment of life with my family in the place where I truly belong.

Do you agree with the view that the British soldier’s life in the trenches of the Western Front during the First World War was one of unbroken horror? Trench conditions varied widely between different theatres of war, different sectors within a theatre, and with the time of year and weather. Trench life was however always one of considerable squalor, with so many men living In a very constrained space. Source 7 supports this by saying “troops fell prey to dysentery and trench fever as a result of filthy conditions and exposure”.

However source 8 disagrees where it depicts how the roofs where only in the trenches for a “short time”, furthermore source 9 continues to support source 8 by saying “casualties where low”. The trenches clearly were not a nice place to be and their would much nicer places the troops would of rather been. However Source 9 tells “casualties were low simply because men were in trenches. ” This gives the impression that life in trenches was not so bad after all. It explains how the trenches saved the lives of the troops and clearly were an asset to the soldiers.

However from my own knowledge I see the trenches to have; scraps of scarred food, empty tins and other waste, the nearby presence of the latrine, the general dirt of living half underground and being unable to wash or change for days or weeks at a time created conditions of severe health risk (and that Is not counting the military risks). Vermin Including rats and lice were very numerous; disease was spread both by them, and by the maggots and flies that thrived on the nearby remains of decomposing human and animal corpses.

This is supported in source 7 where it illustrates the troops “suffered from typhoid caused by lice and were liable o get fungal infection known as trench foot in the frequently wet, muddy conditions. ” This supports the view that the British soldier’s life in the trenches of the Western Front during the First World War was one of unbroken horror. Troops in the trenches were also subjected to the weather: the winter of 1916-1917 in France and Flanders was the coldest in living memory; the trenches flooded In the wet, sometimes to waist height, whenever It rained.

Men suffered from exposure, frostbite, trench foot (a wasting disease of the flesh caused by the foot being wet and cold, constrained Into tots and puttees, for days on end, that would cripple a man), and many diseases brought on or made worse by living in such a way. This is supported in source 7 where it states the men were in “wet, muddy conditions”. This surprisingly backed up by Source 9 (Argues the trenches were safe, “constructed for protection”) where it says “the mud that exists in our mental depictions of the Front was most common in Flanders”. However Source 9 contradicts its self by saying “the land tended to drain properly’.

This gives a complete different perspective, but goes on to explain why. The reason is due to the” trenches passing through many kinds of terrain”. This explains the a cause for completely different accounts about the lives for the soldiers in the trenches and shows how the vast length of the trench line meant different areas had completely different weather and terrains. Indeed, the Great War, a phrase coined even before It had begun, was expected to be a relatively short affair and, as with most wars, one of great movement. The First exemplified on the Western Front from autumn 1914 until spring 1918.

Source 8 helps to portray this as well where it says “the idea that was not stopping in the trenches for long”. The word “idea” in this quote implies the fact that this is what the generals wanted to happen but may have not actually happened. Source 8 goes on to say, “the result, in the long term, meant that we lived a mean and impoverished sort of existence in lousy scratch holes. ” This shows, due to expectation of continues moving towards the Germans, the trenches were not well made or fortified and therefore not giving the men enough protection or comfortable living spaces.

This however, is contradicted by Source 9 where it says how “casualties were low simply because men were in trenches. ” And where it also quotes the trenches “were instructed for protection”. Not that there wasn’t movement at all on the Western Front during 1914-18; the war began dramatically with sweeping advances by the Germans through Belgium and France heading for Paris. However stalemate and trench warfare soon set in, and the expected war of movement wasn’t restored until towards the close of the war, although the line rippled as successes were achieved at a small level.

Finally, no overview of trench life can avoid the aspect that instantly struck visitors to the lines: the appalling reek given off by numerous conflicting sources. Rotting carcasses lay around in their thousands. For example, approximately 200,000 men were killed on the Some battlefields, many of which lay in shallow graves. Overflowing latrines would similarly give off a most offensive stench. Men who had not been afforded the luxury of a bath in weeks or months would offer the pervading dour of dried sweat.

The feet were generally accepted to give off the worst dour. Trenches would also smell of cresol or chloride of lime, used to stave off the constant threat of disease and infection. To add to this the smell of cordite, the lingering dour of poison gas, rotting sandbags, stagnant mud, cigarette smoke ND cooking food. This is supported by Source 7, describing how the soldiers “had to share their dugouts and their food with disease ridden rats fattened on a plentiful supply of rotting corpses”.

This portrays that the life in trenches was one of unbroken horror. It can be said that the trenches were clearly better than nothing, offering small amounts of protection at the least. However they clearly were not something they looked forward to with its “filthy conditions” stated in source 7. I feel the main difference between the sources which create the argument, is likely to be that the counts are taken from different locations along the British front line as well the time of the year.

As stated previously, the winter of 1916-1917 in France and Flanders was the coldest in living memory, where as other times of the year and different areas were not so bad. Moreover the trenches were a place of hell. AH though they offered protection for the troops, the conditions and living standards were terrible. Therefore, agreeing that the British soldier’s life in the trenches of the Western Front during the First World War was one of unbroken horror. Charlie Runoff

Yet in terms of effectiveness and persuasiveness, Bale’s is better than Whodunit in addressing the problem behind the Issue. Bales performs superior than Wooden as he Introduces the problem clearly and directly, which is more effective for audience to understand the topic. In the introduction part, both of them share their personal experiences to form a hook to draw audience’s attention. Bales uses his personal experience for introduction. In his first sentence he says, “The Interest in contemporary forms of slavery started with leaflet that I picked up In London. Instead of directly stating the thesis of his speech, Bales draws the audience’s attention by telling when his “interest in contemporary forms of slavery started. ” Meanwhile, Wooden starts off with “The global challenge that I want to talk to you about today rarely makes the front pages. ” She continues by showing her family group photo in front of Attainment and connects it with an example that happened in China. As an audience, I immediately know “slavery’ will be the main topic throughout the speech of Bales and the question he raised – the possibility of having millions of slaves.

His move induces my personal feeling towards the Issue. When I am well informed of what I am going to analyze, I will be more attentive to listen to the speaker, so do other audience. On the other hand, Whodunit’s introduction of saying the photo was taken two weeks ago in fact is amusing, but its correlation with her topic is not as strong as Bale’s did. When Wooden Is showing her photograph, It takes time for the audience to find out the main topic of this performance, which is vague when audiences are watching live elk.

Furthermore, when we are comparing the two headings, “How to combat modern slavery” and “Our Century’s greatest injustice”, it simply shows the difference in terms of clearness and directness on the two topics. Therefore, I am persuaded by Bale’s style as he has a better Introduction. Besides the Introduction, regarding whose skills on explaining claims and showing examples are more enhanced and convincing, Bale’s do as he has structuralizes and clear organizations. The body paragraphs are the utmost important parts for an article, a speech, or a critique.

It is cause through the development of body paragraphs, we can decide whether an argument is persuasive or not. Although the content of the two issues are different from one another, we may compare the speeches by their claims, examples and evidences. Truly, both of the orators enrich their ideas with impressive examples, but am more Inclined to those presented by Bales. Bales claims that “slavery is an economic crime and people are doing it to gain profits. Bales tries to prove that by saying, “slavery would be recognized throughout all of human history. Hence, Bales 1 OFF re enslaved in 2010 and the average price for one of them nowadays is Just about $90 dollars in average around the world. Steps by steps, he explains the situation of slavery and provides suggestion for solving the problem. Thus, audiences are convinced by his speech and acknowledge the seriousness of the problem. For Whodunit’s speech, she is trying to raise people’s awareness about the unfair situation on female, hence showing that the status of women should be upraised as it will benefit the whole global society by presenting how four girls “moved out of a vicious cycle and into a virtuous cycle.

In order words, there are four examples are explaining women are capable of acting the important roles in the society. Wooden does a great Job in explaining her thesis with the support of the examples, however I am not sure if she is objective enough. She does not mention the cases for male and the reasons behind why male are most likely showing upper status than female. In fact, taking about hegemonic masculinity may explain the condition in which men are dominant and privileged (Connell). If she can include such information, audience may have more opportunities to Judge the problem.

After comparing, I prefer how Bale does his speech, which is more detailed and persuasive. After raising people’s awareness, both Bale and Wooden succeed in asking audience to call to action. All the hard works of the two speakers are to raise people’s awareness towards the social issues. It is flog on dead horse if there’s no further follow up – call to action. Bales narrates the story of a woman in Nepal which shows that we, people who got intellectual power, are the only hope to mitigate with slavery. Thus, he leaves audience the question, ”

Meanwhile, Wooden reflects it is more blessed for us if we can help others as well by quoting researches, which shows there are few things can elevate our level of happiness and one of them is to contribute a cause larger than ourselves. She demonstrates that it is a great opportunity for audience not to hesitate but to Join the movement. She also leaves a question for the audience to nibble at: “How do we discharge that responsibility? ” Both of the two orators starts their speech by taking the personal experience as the hook, then adding examples and claims to strengthen their ideas.

At last, asking audience to show sympathy for the needy people. I believe from this act, audiences can be more motivated as knowing how the people are treated unfairly. In these two 220 minutes’ talk shows, the audience is deeply engaged with these two global issues. Bales and Whodunit’s sophisticated presentation skills raise our interest to further investigate the problems and the solutions. Dignity and rights of all members of human are the groundwork of freedom, Justice and peace in the world (Structure of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 2).

We are the lucky ones in his planet neither because of the ability to buy the latest tablet, nor enjoying a decent meal. We are lucky as we have the chance to study, have the chance to live in a safety place, and have the chance to not to be dead due to slavery or born in places with discrimination. Bale ends his speech, “Are we truly free if we are not thinking about these issues and help the needed ones? ” We should constantly remind ourselves that we, as a responsible individual of this global community, should always take the initiatives to bail those who are underprivileged out from their predicaments.

Essay: HOW THE ELDERLY IS AFFECTED BY NEW TECHNOLOGY by V. Young Most of the elderly grandparents share frustration with new technology. They have grown up in a time when everything around them was produced, developed, or managed without the use of gadgets and gimmicks propelled by technology. Their generation was mostly hands-on while this generation is hands-off. Everyday tasks leads to frustration. When doing the laundry, there are buttons to press to get it done. The television is powered by direct tv/cable with 300-500 stations.

The ceiling lights, sprinkler system, heating and air conditioner is a delicate system that requires skill to work it. Driving the car and making repairs is a tremendous task when all its working parts is generated by a complicated electronic system. The elderly sees technology as an unwelcome change just to make phone calls. They see these small, voice activated, cordless, hand held devices, with letters/numbers too small and general operations is a headache, even with the use of a magnifying glass. Most appliances are remote controlled by voice or touch. Even push a button and your coffee is made.

Most elderly people lack the education in technology to be able to keep up with this rapid pace. What’s worse is that they don’t see how they fit into this technological world. When visiting doctors, attorneys, and other specialized personnel, the elderly may not be able to understand the terminology in these various fields. Visits are short, providing too much information to absorbed at once. Knowledge and use of computers could be an effective tool, if they had the skills necessary to use it. Society seems to ignore the elderly, forgetting that many have paved the way for this technological advancement.

Elderly individuals are usually on a fixed income. Many live alone, often depending on trustworthy, skilled laborers to repair everyday household items. However, it can prove to be costly, stressful, with a sense of vulnerability, when hiring someone. This generation of young people may not understand the complex nature of technology placed on the elderly. Every senior citizen should be given an opportunity to learn the new way of life. The challenge of knowing technology gets greater, as new and innovative technology emerges each day.

The way of life in the colonies before the Revolution was far more different than the way of life after the war. The colonies were completely run by Britain and didn’t have to fend for their own needs. Trading, taxing, and other parts of the economy were run by the mother-country. However, during the Revolutionary War, idealists like Thomas Paine produced concepts that fruited the idea for a more republican society. These new beliefs were reflected in the Declaration of Independence, after the war it played a huge part in the Articles of Confederation, and it was later the ideas established in the American Constitution.

In the years before the Revolution, the colonies were still growing. The New World was a melting pot for different European cultures and social status played a huge part in how people viewed each other. Even though the colonists left Britain to escape social structure, they found themselves once again ranking people by how educated they were or how much money or land they had. The landowners were better off than the widowed, the poor and the indentured servants. But it was possible for citizens to earn their way into a higher class.

Much like after the Revolution, the slaves had no worth and were at the bottom of the pyramid. Education was only offered for men to prepare them for ministry and it taught them the dead language of Latin that was important for interpreting the Bible’s scriptures. The link to religion was prominent in politics as well. A majority of the colonies were run by Parliament appointed officials that had close ties to the established churches of the colonies. The early years of the colonies were revolved around religion and were greatly affected by how England ran their government.

England’s hierarchical society was all that the colonist knew and it wouldn’t be for a hundred years before they would find new ways to establish the colonies. Trading in the colonies was heavily intertwined with Britain. No trading with other countries was permitted unless it went through England’s ports first. The British Empire used them as a source of raw resources and as a source of taxes to pay for Britain’s many wars and ventures. However, agriculture, fishing, lumbering and other industries had a large impact on the development of the Americas.

It was the first time that the colonies were producing things by themselves and providing their own goods helped instill confidence in the colonists. The American Revolution forever changed the colonies. The colonies were now a loosely united group of states, called the United States of America, and colonists now considered themselves American instead of English. The common man was given more rights and control. Laws like primogeniture were abolished and people were able to tend to their affairs freely.

The institution of slavery was weakened and some Northern states even abolished it. After the American Revolution, America was free to industrialize and sell goods to other countries at more favorable prices, no longer being locked into an unfair trading monopoly with the British. Industry and manufacturing increased because of the high demand from other countries, thus broadening their amount of trade. Financial wizards like Alexander Hamilton led the States into what would be one of the most economically dominant countries of the world.

Bristol and Liverpool: The demise and rise of rival ports in the eighteenth century slave trade. In the early eighteenth century, Bristol’s dominant position as a slave trading port remained virtually unchallenged. Yet, by the end of the century, Liverpool firmly established its status as Britain’s leading slave trading port, surpassing Bristol completely. Despite some similarities between the rival ports, a number of factors, decisions and circumstances serve to explain Liverpool’s magnificent rise and Bristol’s consequent demise.

The ports differing geographical locations, markets, trade goods, vessels, voyages and war impacts all played a role in Liverpool’s subversion of Bristol. The decision-making and business capabilities of the merchants also proved influential in the developments of the ports. This essay argues that most importantly, the Bristolian merchants’ poor economic and market decisions, compared with the exceptional business acumen of Liverpudlian merchants, sealed the fate of both ports. Bristol’s geographical location and new parliamentary legislation acted favourably to propel the town into the slave trade.

The location of the River Severn and Bristol Channel encouraged early involvement in trade over the waterways, stimulating the development of the port city. Contributions to Atlantic trade also initiated Bristol’s role in the sugar trade, following the capture of Jamaica in 1655. [1] However, increased competition in the trade of sugar thrust Bristol merchants into the trade of slaves. An Act passed in 1698 further encouraged Bristol’s participation in slave trading, stating that any subject of Great Britain could trade to any part of Africa “between Cape Blanco and the Cape of Good Hope”, successfully ending the London Company’s monopoly. 2] Bristol’s geography served to hinder the port’s trading ability, mainly due to difficulties in navigating the meandering River Avon, its wide tidal range, and industrial waste in the river. Geographical location and legislation also contributed to Liverpool’s commencement in the slave trade. Located on the coast in northwest England, Liverpool benefited from close proximity to many industrial and textile producing centres such as Manchester, Birmingham and Sheffield. A network of rivers, including the River Mersey, made the port easily accessible to the many incoming and outgoing vessels. 3] The Isle of Man provided a useful off shore base, allowing for trade with Ireland and entry into the contraband trade with Spain. The Grenville Treaty of 1747 soon ended this arrangement, forcing Liverpudlian merchants to consider new options for trade. Utilizing the knowledge and wealth gained from contraband trade, the merchants developed vessels and goods specially suited to the African market, putting them towards gaining entrance to the slave trade. [4] Small vessels and on board slave revolts lessened the slave carrying capacity and efficiency of Bristol merchants ships.

The smaller size of Bristol vessels perhaps resulted from the winding nature of the River Avon, with navigation difficult for larger ships. The period 1727 to 1769 provides an example of seventy Bristol vessels, one at fifty tons, thirteen at fifty-one to seventy-one tons, and thirty-eight at seventy-six to one hundred tons. [5] Even before Liverpool’s rise, London outshone Bristol in tonnage, 5,925 tons to 4,250 tons at a value of 137,000 to 98,820 pounds Stirling. [6] The origins of slaves purchased by Bristolians, coupled with lengthy on shore waiting times for slave deliveries, both reduced carrying capacity and efficiency of vessels.

A concentration of suicide prone Ibo slaves and rebellious Ibibio slaves caused many problems. Consequently, merchants received instruction to shackle and bolt slaves from the popular Bight of Biafra region, to reduce the loss of slaves on board vessels. [7] Liverpool merchants similarly witnessed slave revolts, but they experienced superior carrying capacity and efficiency of vessels. Liverpool specialised in manufacturing fast slaving vessels in the docks of the River Mersey. [8] Liverpool’s carrying capacity far exceeded that of Bristol, as demonstrated in the 1100 ton Kent of 1773, the largest ship built in Northern England. 9] Such large ships and the capacity of five slaves per two tons, allowed for maximum vessel efficiency, and in 1753, 101 Liverpool vessels managed to carry over 30,000 slaves to the Americas. Poor vessel conditions for slaves resulted from maximising carrying capacities, and up to a third of slaves died. [10] One renowned incident on board the Zong displays how captains attempted to avoid the loss of slaves: Captain Collingwood threw 132 sickly slaves overboard in order to claim insurance, rather than risk not selling them in the Americas. 11] Unbearable conditions on board also resulted in increased mutinies between 1751 and 1775, which Mannix and Cowley attribute to ruthless Liverpudlians’ efforts to save money by reducing the size of crews on vessels. [12] Slaving voyages and their destinations impacted greatly on Bristol’s attempts to gain prominence in the slave trade. Bristol’s shorter voyage time gave merchants a distinct advantage over London, and until the 1730s most Bristol voyages travelled to the Bight of Biafra where they encountered little competition. 13] Most Bristol voyages targeted Old Calabar, which oversupplied male slaves, leading to many trading failures. Merchants such as James Rogers only managed a delivery rate of seventy-three per cent from this region. [14] Bristol destination choices remained conservative, including Angola and the Gold Coast, despite increasing competition there from Liverpool. [15] The rise of Liverpool caused a vast reduction in voyages made by Bristolians. Jamaican voyages fell from sixty-nine to twenty-five per cent from 1728 to 1730. [16] As a result, the period of 1786 to 1807 produced only 240 voyages, compared with 2,473 from Liverpool. 17] Voyages direct to Jamaica became a common trend by 1750, with 104 trips taking place between 1749 and 1755, compared with seventy-four voyages following various triangle trade patterns. [18] Liverpool merchants achieved more numerous and varied voyages and destinations compared with Bristol. Liverpool’s first slave trade voyage departed in 1708, which is a much later entry than Bristol. Despite Bristol’s early advantage and established market destinations, Liverpool succeeded in creating new slaving destinations in areas such as Sierra Leone, Cameroon and Gabon. 19] In contrast with Bristol’s prioritisation of the region, only one voyage took place to Old Calabar in 1793 out of forty-seven voyages, instead thirty-six sailed to Angola where slaves were much more desirable. [20] In 1771 alone, 105 vessels travelled to Africa, obtaining 28,200 slaves. [21] In Jamaica, Liverpool trade comprised seventy-four per cent of delivered slaves and seventy-two per cent of visiting vessels. Liverpool’s dominant presence at Atlantic slave trade destinations displays the port’s numerous options, and their lack of presence at the unpopular sites displays their competent business choices.

The choice of trade goods further influenced Bristol’s success as a slave trading port. James Rogers’ voyages, perhaps not entirely typical of Bristol trading, provided African merchants with East Indian and English textiles, bar iron, gunpowder, beads, hardware and liquor. [22] Other Bristol merchants traded with refined sugar, haberdashery, window glass, bottled beer, wrought iron, woollens, copper and brass, in return for slaves. Wales generally provided the tin and iron for Bristol’s supplies. 23] Once in Africa, in addition to slaves, Bristol merchants requested items such as wax, ivory and redwood, either for sale in the Americas or back in Bristol. [24] Interestingly, Bristolians sent little linen to the African coast in comparison with other slave trading ports. [25] Linen stood as a leading commodity in Liverpool’s choice of trading goods, giving the port a considerable advantage over Bristol. Linen formed ninety-one per cent of all British exports to North America and West Africa, which Liverpool benefited from due to its easy acquisition of Lancashire cottons and Manchester textiles. 26] Manchester’s provision of checks and silk handkerchiefs contributed to the expulsion of Bristol’s German, French and Scottish textiles from the market. [27] In addition to linen, Liverpool traded copper and brass from Staffordshire, salt from Cheshire, and firearms from Birmingham. Liverpool also re-exported a number of goods from East India, such as Chintz, glass beads, cotton and calicoes. [28] The careful assortment of trade goods meant numerous colonies demanded trade with Liverpool. A number of international conflicts severely hindered Bristol’s progress in the slave trade.

Throughout the eighteenth century conflicts existed with France, Spain and America. Bristol’s location in relation to the Bristol Channel meant a great number of vessels were lost to french privateers. [29] Consequently, Bristol successfully turned to privateering during the Spanish Succession from 1702 to 1713. The capture of over seventeen of its vessels by the Spaniards deepened Bristol’s involvement in privateering further during the Seven Years War (1756 to 1763). Trade with the West Indies suffered in consequence, due to the heavy amount of investment in privateers. 30] The American War of Independence and subsequent loss of American colonies hampered the triangular trade, which Bristolians heavily relied on. Shipping from the United States dropped from approximately 21,202 tons in 1773-7 to 12,326 in 1778-80. [31] Bristol’s slave trade experienced war in an entirely negative way during this period. On the other hand, Liverpool made substantial gains from Great Britain’s involvement in international conflicts. Williamson, an observer of the War of the Austrian Succession 1739 to 1748, stated that: “trade flourished and spread her golden wings so extensively that if they had ossessed it seven years longer, it would have enlarged the size and riches of the town to a prodigious degree”[32] Involvement in conflicts meant that the dockyards on the River Mersey fitted out many ships in order to fill the void left by Bristol’s departure from trade. Slave trading voyages increased considerably during the wars, and vessels successfully avoided meeting French privateers due to Liverpool’s advantageous geographical location. War also enabled Liverpool merchants to take advantage of price differentials between England and the colonies.

Profits inevitably resulted, which contrasts starkly with Bristol’s experience of the wars. [33] Vast potential existed for profit in the slave trade, yet when factoring in costs, Bristol struggled to reap the benefits of the system. Loss of slaves in the middle passage presented one expense, as Captain Black’s letter to James Rogers depicted. His voyage lost thirteen female slaves, fifty-six males and sixteen sailors. [34] Bristol merchants also paid generous wages, commissions and financial incentives to captains and slave sellers in order to ensure a loyal partnership. 35] When Robert Thiennison’s brother, a cook on Rogers’ Pearle, died, he requested wages of 55 shillings for a month’s work, revealing the high wages paid by Bristolians. High duties also frustrated Bristol merchants, especially those on tobacco, which is something they specialised in. [36] David Richardson offers an estimated return of 7. 8 to 19. 8 per cent on Bristol voyages, however Rogers’ voyages barely managed three per cent profit, and the highest estimate still comes in lower than the profits made by Liverpudlians. 37] Liverpudlian merchants made significantly higher profits in the slave trade, primarily due to cunning commercial decisions. Manipulated stock records enabled merchants to avoid paying duties on up to twenty per cent of the tobacco shipped into the port. [38] Proposed estimates suggest that 100-ton ships returned profits of 750 pounds Stirling based on five Negroes per two tons. [39] The Liverpool vessel Lively produced a 300 per cent profit in 1737, but most voyages secured around ten per cent profit, which barely proved sufficient considering the risks involved in slaving. 40] One particular Liverpool voyage achieved a profit of 8000 pounds Stirling (before deductions for victuals and trade goods), with costs approximately comprising duties of 134 pounds, Doctor wages of thirteen pounds, Captain salary of 4 pounds per 104 made on total returns, and commission costs of 454 pounds Stirling. [41] Liverpudlians clearly possessed a unique capability to make large profits, despite mounting costs. The merchant oligarchy of Bristol overlooked crucial investments in port facilities in favour of spending profits on luxurious lifestyles, proving detrimental to their trade accomplishments.

Instead, investments centred around the urban “renaissance” taking place in the city, rather than focusing on shifting towards industrialisation[42]. Prioritising Caribbean ventures over local industrial schemes demonstrates a further hindrance to the development of Bristol. [43] It appears that Bristolians’ preferences centred on funding a lifestyle founded on wealth and consumption, reflected in the growing local demand for sugar and tobacco. Furthermore, Bristol did not invest in the port until the nineteenth century, when developments included a floating harbour, which proved highly inefficient also. 44] Comparatively, the port of Liverpool received extensive urban development as a result of profits made in the slave trade. The city underwent considerable expansion and urban growth, facilitating merchants’ ability to exploit the Atlantic trade system and various markets. The city’s wealth stemmed from the merchants, hence their control over city developments. Subsequently, profits funded financial structures and transport networks including canals, enabling Liverpool to maintain control over sources of goods such as the salt of Cheshire. 45] Investment in the docklands proved most influential, earning Liverpool the title of largest ship construction site in England, with sixty-one of the 161 English-built slave vessels manufactured in Liverpool. [46] The swift response to mercantile needs and construction of the Midlands canal network resulted in the shipment of valuable, high demand trade goods to Liverpool, not Bristol. A notable shift in Bristol’s priorities may account for Liverpool’s eclipse of Bristol as the leading slave trading port in England.

The transition to specialisation in the sugar trade proves the most convincing causal factor in the reduced role in slave trading. The Bristolian pleasures derived from sugar, tobacco and snuff consumption drove merchants to focus on supplying the domestic market with what locals demanded. [47] The sugar industry thrived in Bristol, which is reinforced by the sustained existence of twenty sugarhouses between 1720 and 1775. [48] Tobacco and sugar faced restrictions regarding direct trade to foreign countries, perhaps further encouraging Bristolians to cater to local markets. 49] One argument proposes that Bristol became more conservative, simply preferring safer, more profitable trade options as they arose. A Jamaican agent noted that “Bristol…is rich enough, but don’t care to launch out much”. John Wesley, an abolitionist, also observed Bristol’s “love of money and ease”. [50] The increasing abolitionist environment and comparative ease of the sugar trade perhaps rendered the Bristolians content with exiting the slave trade. The lack of familial slaving dynasties and a reluctance to engage in mercantile competition with close ties offer two further justifications for Bristol’s demise in the slave trade.

Bristol failed to secure dynasties through which to pass commercial knowledge and wealth to, mainly because eighteen of the leading twenty-five Bristol merchants died as bachelors. Encouraging others to continue the slave trade proved particularly difficult. The problems faced in re-exporting tobacco presented one deterrent, and the inevitable encounters with disease on the African coast and challenges in securing return goods also discouraged new entrants to the trade. [51] Bristol merchants tended to form strong, friendly connections with fellow traders, making ruthless competition difficult.

To “wage war” against familial, banking or residential associates would destroy useful connections and jeopardise one’s reputation. [52] Liverpool merchants, on the other hand, formed strong bonds and maintained family dynasties, but did not refrain from competition, further enhancing their prominence. [53] The Bristol merchants experienced limitations in available market options, which presented a sizeable obstacle to success in the slave trade. Bristol traders lacked the vital trade goods necessary for securing demand from markets that would stock vessels with healthy slaves from desirable locations.

Merchants such as Rogers tended to focus on Jamaica and Grenada to sell their slaves, places whose markets displayed an aversion to slaves from Old Calabar due to their poor health and high mortality. [54] These detrimental oversights in buying unsuitable slave cargoes and being unaware of the slave preferences at plantations provided great motivation to move away from trading in slaves. Bristol persisted in trading commodities with Jamaica, South Carolina and Charlestown, however they gained no advantage over Liverpool or even London. 55] Furthermore, Bristol failed to respond to new markets such as the Ceded Islands including Dominica and St Vincent, leaving the opportunity wide open for Liverpool. Liverpool slave traders successfully seized every new market opportunity that arose, providing numerous market options for the diverse trade goods they supplied. After trade opened up in 1750, Liverpool launched into trade with Upper Guinea and other markets in America, where they made gains over Bristol. 56] Liverpool also possessed advantageous contacts throughout the West African coast, especially Sierra Leone. [57] In contrast to Bristol, Liverpool concentrated on lesser markets such as Barbados and the Leeward Islands. Barbados supplied over fifty per cent of Liverpool’s imports after 1735, closely followed by Chesapeake, the Leeward Islands and Jamaica. The range of trade goods supplied, and entrance into the trade at a time of colonial economy deceleration also enabled Liverpool merchants to almost monopolise the Anglo-American commercial market. 58] Liverpool merchants conducted business on the coast of Africa from the Senegal River to Ambriz[59], where healthy slave populations attribute to the demand for Liverpool commerce in a vast number of West Indian locations. With so many options for destinations to conduct trade with slaves, it is unsurprising that Liverpool ousted the port of Bristol from its dominant position. Despite the numerous causes attributed to the demise of Bristol, the inability of merchants to make economical, competent business decisions ultimately present the most significant explanations.

Bristolians paid munificent salaries to captains and crew, as well as allowing privileges, daily charges and commission payments. Captains ate and drank excessively on shore, eroding profits considerably. Less profit also resulted from fully manning vessels, with the knock on effect of needing to charge more for slaves. [60] Bristol merchants found themselves outbid for slaves in Old Calabar, driving them to purchase unhealthy slaves. Their condition worsened further due to cheap provisions on board. [61] Consequently, prices achieved in the Americas for slaves were lower.

The Bristol merchants justifiably earned a reputation as extravagant and unbusinesslike squanderers, who treated their Captains like “young gentlemen on the Grand Tour”. [62] A credit crisis in 1793 caused many merchants to go bankrupt, putting an end to the slave trade for the majority of Bristolians. [63] The lack of business acumen amongst Bristol merchants proved detrimental to their success. Conversely, the business expertise and economical ability of Liverpudlian merchants secured the city’s title of the most successful slave trading port in Europe.

Liverpool merchants trained their crew better, paid lower wages, and minimized outfitting costs. Additionally, merchants were economical by paying wages annually not monthly, and refusing cabin privileges, primages and port allowances. For example, crew ate salt beef and drank rum punch on board their vessel, compared with Bristol crewmembers’ excessive drinking of Madeira on shore. [64] Low expenditure enabled Liverpudlians to sell slaves for four to five pounds Stirling less than other traders, underselling Bristolians considerably. 65] Accepting Bills of Exchange avoided reliance on return goods for payment, giving flexibility to merchants, which allowed them to return direct to Africa to embark more slaves. Liverpool merchants skilfully evaded customs administrators by importing “damaged” and therefore duty free goods, and disembarking “underweight” hogsheads, only to re-export them at heavier weights. [66] These tricks meant payment of less duty tax, maximising profits. Resourceful and imaginative actions and decisions thrust Liverpool to record heights never reached by Bristol in the slave trade.

Liverpool’s skilful rise to prominence in the slave trade undoubtedly provides explanation for Bristol’s demise from a once eminent slave trading port. Geographical location, vessel size, voyages, trade goods, international conflicts, market destinations, and urban development all provide convincing explanations of Bristol’s fall from the position of leading British port. However, problems could easily have been overcome or averted had the Bristol merchants possessed strong business capability, judgement skills and knowledge.

Perhaps Bristol’s priorities did shift toward catering for the domestic market. Nevertheless, the Bristolians’ lack of skills and knowledge, so clearly possessed by Liverpool merchants, sealed Bristol’s demise from a once world-leading slaving port to an average sugar-importing town. Liverpool on the other hand, traded slaves on such a grand scale that it secured its position amongst Europe’s leading port towns far beyond the abolition of the slave trade. Word Count: 3,258 BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources

An account of the ships employed in the African trade, from the ports of London and Bristol, belonging to the separate traders to Africa; with the value of the said ships and cargoes, and the number of Negroes usually carried by the said ships, London, 1713, Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale Group. Captain W. Black of the Ship Jupiter to James Rogers, owner of The Jupiter, 20th August 1790, James Rogers Papers, Public Record Office, C/107/12, http://www. englandpast. net/education/.

Great Britain, Parliament, An act for the better improvement of the trade to Africa, by establishing a regulated company, London, 1708, Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale Group. Letter To Captain Richard Prankard commander of the Unity Snow to Angola, Bristol, 29 January 1732, Bristol Central Reference Library, The Jefferies Collection: Volume 13, http://www. englandpast. net/education/. Letter from Robert Thiennison (? ) to James Rogers, slave ship owner concerning his brother who was a ship’s cook on the Pearl, Mr. Rogers London 15 August, 1786, Public Record Office, C107/8, http://www. englandpast. et/education/. Secondary Sources Behrendt, Stephen D. , “Markets, Transaction Cycles, and Profits: Merchant Decision Making in the British Slave Trade”, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 58, No. 1, 2001, pp. 171-204. Behrendt, Stephen D. , “The Annual Volume and Regional Distribution of the British slave trade, 1780-1807”, Journal of African History, Vol. 38, 1997, pp. 187-211. Benezet, Anthony, Some historical account of Guinea, its situation, produce, and the general disposition of its inhabitants. With an inquiry into the rise and progress of the slave trade, its nature, and lamentable effects.

Also a republication of the sentiments of several authors of note on this interesting subject: particularly an extract of a treatise written by Granville Sharpe, Philadelphia, 1771, http://www. gutenberg. org/files/11489/11489-h/11489-h. htm. Clarkson, Thomas, The history of the rise, progress, and accomplishment of the abolition of the African slave-trade by the British parliament, Vol. 1, London, 1808, http://www. gutenberg. org/files/12428/12428-8. txt. Clemens, Paul G. E. , “The Rise of Liverpool, 1665-1750”, The Economic History Review, Vol. 9, No. 2, 1976, pp. 211-225. Enfield, William. An essay towards the history of Leverpool, drawn up from papers left by the late Mr. George Perry, and from other materials since collected, by William Enfield. With views of the principal public structures, a chart of the harbour, and a map of the environ, 2nd Ed. , 1774. Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale Group. Hyde, F. , Parkinson, B. , & Marriner, S. , “The Nature and Profitability of the Liverpool Slave Trade”, The Economic History Review, Vol. 5, No. 3, 1953, pp. 368-377. Jones, S. J. “The Growth of Bristol: The Regional Aspect of City Development”, Transactions and Papers (Institute of British Geographers), No. 11, 1946, pp. 57-83. Klein, Herbert S. , “The English Slave Trade to Jamaica, 1782-1808”, The Economic History Review, Vol. 31, No. 1, 1978, pp. 25-45. MacInnes, C. M. , “Bristol and the slave trade”, in Patrick McGrath (ed. ), Bristol in the Eighteenth Century, Newton Abbot, 1972. Mackenzie-Grive, Averil, The Last Years of the English Slave Trade: Liverpool, 1750-1807, London, 1941. Morgan, Kenneth, “Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century”, The English Historical Review, Vol. 07, No. 424, 1992, pp. 626-650. Morgan, Kenneth, “Bristol West India Merchants in the Eighteenth Century”, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Vol. 3, 1993, pp. 185-208. Morgan, Kenneth, “James Rogers and the Bristol slave trade”, Historical Research, Vol. 76, No. 192, 2003, pp. 189-216. Morgan, Kenneth, “Shipping Patterns and the Atlantic Trade of Bristol, 1749-1770”, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 46, No. 3. , 1989, pp. 506-538. Richardson, David, “Shipboard Revolts, African Authority, and the Atlantic Slave Trade”, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 8, No. 1, 2001, pp. 69-92. Richardson, David, “Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’”, Slavery and Abolition, Vol. 26, No. 1, 2005, pp. 35-54. Williams, Gomer, History of the Liverpool privateers and Letters of Marque: With an account of the Liverpool slave trade, London, 1897. Williams, Eric, “The Golden Age of the Slave System in Britain”, The Journal of Negro History, Vol. 25, No. 1, 1940, pp. 60-106. Websites Liverpool & The Slave Trade, http://www. liverpoolinpictures. com/Slavery_in_Liverpool. htm ———————– [1] S. J.

Jones, “The Growth of Bristol: The Regional Aspect of City Development”, Transactions and Papers (Institute of British Geographers), No. 11, 1946, pp. 64; 71. [2] Great Britain, Parliament, An act for the better improvement of the trade to Africa, by establishing a regulated company, London, 1708, Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale Group. [3] Eric Williams, “The Golden Age of the Slave System in Britain”, The Journal of Negro History, Vol. 25, No. 1, 1940, p. 67. [4] Gomer Williams, History of the Liverpool privateers and Letters of Marque: With an account of the Liverpool slave trade, London, 1897, pp. 67-468. [5] C. M. MacInnes, “Bristol and the slave trade”, in Patrick McGrath (ed. ), Bristol in the Eighteenth Century, Newton Abbot, 1972, p. 173. [6] An account of the ships employed in the African trade, London, 1713, Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale Group. [7] David Richardson, “Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’”, Slavery and Abolition, Vol. 26, No. 1, 2005, p. 44; David Richardson, “Shipboard Revolts, African Authority, and the Atlantic Slave Trade”, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 58, No. 1, 2001, pp. 74, 80. 8] Eric Williams, p. 69. [9] Averil Mackenzie-Grive, The Last Years of the English Slave Trade: Liverpool, 1750-1807, London, 1941, p. 16. [10] F. Hyde, B. Parkinson, & S. Marriner, “The Nature and Profitability of the Liverpool Slave Trade”, The Economic History Review, Vol. 5, No. 3, 1953, p372; Anthony Benezet, Some historical account of Guinea, Philadelphia, 1771. [11] Thomas Clarkson, The history of the rise, progress, and accomplishment of the abolition of the African slave-trade by the British parliament, Vol. 1, London, 1808. 12] David Richardson, “Shipboard Revolts, African Authority, and the Atlantic Slave Trade”, p. 77. [13] David Richardson, “Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’”, pp. 42-3. [14] Kenneth Morgan, “James Rogers and the Bristol slave trade”, Historical Research, Vol. 76, No. 192, 2003, pp. 195, 200. [15] Kenneth Morgan, “Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century”, The English Historical Review, Vol. 107, No. 424, 1992, p. 641. [16] Similarly, South Carolinian voyages also fell by twenty-fiver per cent. Ibid. , p. 640. [17] Stephen D.

Behrendt, “The Annual Volume and Regional Distribution of the British slave trade, 1780-1807”, Journal of African History, Vol. 38, 1997, p. 189. [18] Kenneth Morgan, “Shipping Patterns and the Atlantic Trade of Bristol, 1749-1770”, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 46, No. 3. , 1989, pp. 515, 532. [19] Morgan, “Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century”, p. 641. [20] Stephen D. Behrendt, “Markets, Transaction Cycles, and Profits: Merchant Decision Making in the British Slave Trade”, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 58, No. 1, 2001, p. 88. [21] William Enfield, An essay towards the history of Leverpool, 2nd Ed. , 1774. [22] Morgan, “James Rogers and the Bristol slave trade”, p. 197. [23] Morgan, “Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century”, p. 635. [24] Letter To Captain Richard Prankard commander of the Unity Snow to Angola, Bristol, 29 January 1732, Bristol Central Reference Library, The Jefferies Collection: Volume 13. [25] Morgan, “Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century”, p. 635. [26] Ibid. ; Eric Williams, p. 67. [27] Gomer Williams, p. 467. 28] Liverpool & The Slave Trade, http://www. liverpoolinpictures. com/; Enfield, p. 85. [29] MacInnes, p. 175. [30] Morgan, “Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century”, pp. 630-2. [31] Jones, p. 76; Ibid. [32] Mackenzie-Grive, p. 4. [33] Paul G. E. Clemens, “The Rise of Liverpool, 1665-1750”, The Economic History Review, Vol. 29, No. 2, 1976, p. 210. [34] Captain W. Black of the Ship Jupiter to James Rogers, owner of The Jupiter, 20th August 1790, James Rogers Papers, Public Record Office, C/107/12 [35] Richardson, “Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’”, p. 40. 36] Morgan, “Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century”, p. 645. [37] Morgan, “James Rogers and the Bristol slave trade”, p. 215. [38] Clemens, p. 215. [39] However, restrictions of two Negroes per ton reduced potential profits to 200 pounds Stirling per voyage. Hyde et al. , p. 372. [40] Liverpool & The Slave Trade, http://www. liverpoolinpictures. com. [41] Gomer Williams, p. 471. [42] Richardson, “Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’”, p. 46-7. [43] Kenneth Morgan, “Bristol West India Merchants in the Eighteenth Century”, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Vol. , 1993, p. 205. [44] Morgan, “Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century”, p. 628. [45] Clemens, p. 212-7. [46] Herbert S. Klein, “The English Slave Trade to Jamaica, 1782-1808”, The Economic History Review, Vol. 31, No. 1, 1978, p. 42. [47] Richardson, “Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’”, p. 47. [48] Jones, p. 71. [49] Morgan, “Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century”, p. 646. [50] Morgan, “Bristol West India Merchants in the Eighteenth Century”, p. 204. [51] Ibid. , p. 203. [52] Ibid. , p. 205. [53] Clemens, p. 217. 54] Morgan, “James Rogers and the Bristol slave trade”, pp. 205, 209, 215. [55] Clemens, p. 219. [56] Richardson, “Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’”, p. 46. [57] Morgan, “James Rogers and the Bristol slave trade”, p. 199. [58] Clemens, pp. 213-8. [59] Behrendt, “Markets, Transaction Cycles”, p. 172. [60] Gomer Williams, p. 471. [61] Morgan, “James Rogers and the Bristol slave trade”, pp. 196, 203. [62] Mackenzie-Grive, p. 4. [63] Morgan, “Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century”, p. 633. [64] Gomer Williams, p. 471; MacInnes, p. 170. [65] Ibid. , p. 470. [66] Clemens, pp. 215, 221.

This paper is designed to illustrate a cultural or ethnic group of my choosing and how they feel about the aging process. Also, to give detail of their background, their perspective and how it coordinates with the group, how they feel it effects aging on the older population, the elderly role in this cultural or ethnic group and and historical information in the group perspective if they immigrated in the United States. Within my findings I found out that African American woman (in particular) are concerned with aging but are not as concerned as Caucasian women. Being that African Americans have more melanin in their skin, wrinkles are not as common at the age of 65 as it would be of women who are the same age but of the Caucasian race.

For my paper on the perspectives, I chose to research African Americans and take a look in to how they perceive aging, how they feel it effects aging on the older population, their roles and if there are any historical changes in their perspective.

Most African Americans are the descendants of captive Africans held in the United States from 1619 to 1865. Blacks from the Caribbean whose ancestors immigrated, or who immigrated to the United States, also traditionally have been considered African American, as they share a common history of predominantly central Africans roots or west African, the middle passage and slavery.

In the past, it was these people who were referred to and self-identified collectively as the American Negro, who now generally consider themselves African Americans. The history of African Americans are highlighted and celebrated annually in the United States during February, which is respectfully known as Black History month, and their history is the sole focus that time. Others who some times are Americans who descended from slaves, are referred to as African Americans, and who may self identify as such in United States government censuses, include relatively recent black immigrants from Africa, South America and elsewhere who self-identify as of African descent.

A big percentage of African Americans descended from slaves, most of which were sold by African states or kidnapped by African, Arab, European or American slave traders. The existing market for slaves in Africa was exploited and expanded by European powers in search of free free labor for New World plantations.

Are African Americans less concerned with the consequences of aging? Let’s take the cosmetic world for example to emphasize my points to come. The cosmetic world is filled with all sorts of products designed to keep women (and occasionally men) look (and feeling) young. The products are primarily geared towards skin care and more specified for wrinkles. Let’s take a look at cosmetic commercials and ads, you mist find something very interesting: there are few black women.

Of course, there are women of different ethnic groups, which by way of sending a message that all women, no matter ethnicity are concerned with aging. For the most part, it seems that Caucasian women (more so than black women) are concerned about the aging process. To aid in my point, I’ll use the statistics from the Society of Plastic Surgeons that proves that African Americans are still one of the smaller groups requesting plastic surgery. Whites account for 69% while blacks have only 8%.

There is a very popular phrase within the African American community affirming that “black don’t crack”. This phrase is an exact implication that African Americans typically look younger in age versus other ethnic groups, mainly the white ethnic group. A person’s physical health, one’s lifestyle and health definitely play a role in this. It is usually quite common for people to mistake a black women who may be 65 and be mistaken for 55 and for women in their 40’s to be mistaken as being in their 30’s (Yeo, 2001). The most common and scientifically proven reason for this is because African Americans typically have more melanin that a person has in their skin, the more complex it is for the skin’s harmful rays to penetrate, creating wrinkles, spots, lines and other anomalies.

For some reason, it has not been until recently that cosmetic companies begun targeting African-American women for anti-aging products. In a 2006 article in Essence magazine, it purports that the cosmetic industry in general has seen a marked increase in toiletries and cosmetic advertising in general, marketers choosing non-black publications to reach an additional demographic.

“The myth is that women of color don’t care about aging,” the president of Essence, Michelle Ebanks has stated. “We don’t wrinkly as early, but we care about it”. That confirms it! That statement is a pure indication that black women are just as concerned about their aging physical appearance as other ethnic groups. However, Ebanks also shed great insight on another important note; women of color are more likely to share information about beauty products by word of mouth, rather than through heavy media commentary. This in and of itself may give the impression that black women are less concerned with aging.

The general theory that black women give birth at a younger age than other ethnic groups also might have a little something to do with the perception that they care less about aging (Yeo, 2001). While this may sound stilted and just outrageous, do consider the fact that if a woman gives birth to her first child by the age of 20, by the time that child is able to enter college, the mother is still at her youthful age, barely reaching 40. If this birth cycle (or similar variations of it) continues, then the mother will be able to call herself “Grandma” before she even reaches the age of 50.

Although, black women who become grandmothers rather early very often feel less inclined to be concerned with aging; because they have already completed a life cycle that others take many years to establish. It could be said that as stigma of young motherhood becomes more irrelevant, so do the women’s concerns about growing old.

The elderly are treated with high regard and respect in the African American community. Those women who enter this “elder” phase of life early (25 to 38 years old) feel the pressure of role conflict and tension in the social support they receive(Dorthy, 2004). They perceive grand parenthood as a “tenuous” role. Those who enter grand parenthood “on time” (42 to 57 years old) have less conflict but can also feel the pressure of integrating family and occupational roles(Ada, 1998). Women in this age usually occupy a traditional family role, that “lofty” and respected position of a grandmother. She is also the nurturer and disciplinarian of children, the family historian, the hub of the family network in which decisions are made, and the convener of family events.