Sociology

Creating Deviance Rules: A Macroscopic Model Author(s): Ronald J. Troyer and Gerald E. Markle Source: The Sociological Quarterly, Vol. 23, No. 2 (Spring, 1982), pp. 157-169 Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the Midwest Sociological Society Stable URL: http://www. jstor. org/stable/4106327 Accessed: 16/11/2009 09:18 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR’s Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www. jstor. org/page/info/about/policies/terms. jsp.

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The SociologicalQuarterly (Spring1982):157-169 23 Deviance Rules: Creating A Macroscopic Model* RonaldJ. Troyer,Drake University GeraldE. Markle,Western MichiganUniversity In this paperwe proposea macrolevel the modelfor analyzing creationof deviance rules. We begin by placingthe phenomenon withinthe contextof the social factist and social definitionist the sociological traditions, identifying insightsand difficulties the socialproblems We rule creation. sugliterature for deviance presents explaining difficulties be resolvedby lacingthe processwithina can gest that the theoretical The consequent dialecticalmodel of deviance framework. sociologyof knowledge is that society is composedof a numberof designation based on the assumption in of definitions deviance generalinterests varying degreesof conflictwithprevailing outcomes previous of This balanceor accommodation contests. becomes representing vulnerable with the introduction increasein strainwhich is a potentialresource or for interest a The groupsdesiring new definition. utcomeof the ensuingconflictis seen as dependent the abilityof the combatants employresources the battle. in on to We concludeby identifying advantages model has for studying deviance the the the rulecreation process. of This is how I treat theory: it is somethingto guide our understanding the social world; it helps us throughthe labyrinthof the buzzingconfusion of conflictingideologies, and, most of all, theory liberatesus from dead facts and worn-out myths. Davis 1980:xv) But since those sociologistswho espouse a strong and explicit determinism,and those who practice the techniquesof “verstehen,” “empathy,”and “takingthe actor’spoint of view,” differ upon so very many issues, technical and otherwise, the present suggestions are more likely to be treated as a pollution of the boundarybetween schools of thought than as a pathway to agreement. (Barnes, 1974:83-84) For decades the sociology of deviance focused on rule violation. This approach produced works on rule violators, described which rules were violated and how they were violated, and, arguably, why they were violated.

Largely neglected in this work was the process by which rules were created; that is, the process by which deviant categories and designations were constructed. Recently scholars have begun to focus attention on this issue, resulting in various empirical case studies or rationales for the import of the collective definition process (Nuehring and Markle, 1974; Conrad, 1975; Pfohl, 1977; Spector and Kitsuse, 1977; Levine, 1978; Schneider, 1978; Markle and Troyer, 1979; Conrad and Schneider, 1980. As with many deviance studies, these efforts have not produced an explicit framework relating rule creation to the broader theoretical conceptions of social processes and the structural order. As a remedy, ? 1982 by The Sociological Quarterly. All rights reserved. 0038-0253/82/1300-0157$00. 75 *The authors thank Roland Chilton, Ronald Kramer, Frances McCrea, Joseph W. Schneider, Malcolm Spector, and Mayer Zald for their helpful comments. Ronald J. Troyer’s address is Department of Sociology, Drake University, Des Moines, Iowa 50311. 158 THE SOCIOLOGICALQUARTERLY

Collins has called for a radicaldeparture deviancestudies,statfrom traditional ing that “thenext step clearlymustbe to abolishthe field of devianceentirely,to and link its materialswith what is knownof generalexplanations stratification of politics” (1975:17). And Davis (1980:5) has observedthat the time has come “for the sociology of deviance to move into mainstreamtheory–based sociology. ” What theoreticalform ought these investigations take? The developments in sociologicaltheoryin the past few decadeshave been focusedaroundtwo dominant perspectives.

The nature of these approachescan best be graspedby referringto Ritzer’s (1975) distinctionbetween the social factist and social definitionist paradigms. The social factist is primarilyconcernedwith the cause of social phenomena; thus the questionasked is a why question. By contrast,since the social definitionist more concernedwith process,the researchquestionis a is how question. In studyingdeviance,for example,the social factistshave focused on behaviordescribing extent and natureasking”Whydo thesepeople do it? ” its focusedon the process On the otherhand, the social definitionists have primarily Howhavethesepersons as asking by whichpeoplecometo be defined deviant the label? ” acquired deviant have and Webelieve the theoretical of that efforts thefactists thedefinitionists been useful. Such work, though clearly the creationand social constructionof of scholars,is necessaryif the study of rule creationis to lead to generalizations wider applicability. Towardthat end, we reviewsome relevantliterature, develop creation a sociologyof knowledgeframework, then presenta macrodeviance and model which attemptsto bridge the gap between the factist and definitionist erspectives. Literature between PerhapsArmandMauss has best capturedthe essence of the difference the two majortraditionalapproachesto social problemstheory. The essence of the scholarlydisagreement, noted, came down to one grouparguingthat “sohe cial problems are ‘objective’realities which generate collective behavior and political action”versus the view that “socialproblemsare essentiallygenerated by collectivebehaviorand politicalprocesses”(1977:602, emphasisin original).

The former closely approximatesthe social factist approach,while the latter the represents social definitionist position. Social factist scholarshave tended to explain social problemsas the product of some environmentally condition. This tradition, disharmonious usuallytermed the strain explanation,has often focused on economic conditions (Oberschall, between differentgoals, differentvalues, 1973) but also includes discrepancies values and norms, knowledgeand actions, technologyand values, and so forth (Smelser, 1962: chap. 3).

Smelser,for example,indicatesthat “norm-oriented movements”(definedas attemptsto restore,protect,modify,or createnormsin the name of a generalizedbelief,” 1962:270) often springfrom the following kindsof strain: Sometimes the appearanceof new knowledge initiates a movement to apply this knowledge in order to eradicate a condition previously taken for granted. (1962: 287) CreatingDeviance Rules 159 can betweennormative and standards actualsocialconditions proAny disharmony videthe basisfor a movement whoseobjective is to modifynorms. 1962:289) it Davis (1975) used a strainmodel to explain changesin the collectivedefinition of deviance. Whileseeingdeviancedefinitions productsof powerstruggles as between groups with new rules representing values of those groups able to the win state endorsement their values, Davis suggeststhat “the diffusionof new of knowledgeis a majorcause of collective searchesfor new normsin the modern world”(1975:53). Although strain has been a populartheoreticalapproachfor studyingsome social problems(e. g. race riots), few empiricalstudiesof deviancedesignation have followed from this tradition. PerhapsChamblisscame close in the study of the creation of new rules against vagrancy. In his words, “The vagrancy statutes emerged as a result of changes in other parts of the social structure” (1964:69). Specifically,the strain was the breakdownof the serf system; vagrancy laws were the responseof the rulingclass to protect their interestsand bring the system back to harmony. Zurcheret al. (1977) have also pointed to the crucial role of strainin the emergenceof antipornography crusades.

In the communities amongstatus studied,they found that as a resultof inconsistencies variables,the traditionalmiddle class was experiencingthreatsto its life-style. were attemptsto the Consequently, effortsto gain new rulesagainstpornography bolster the legitimacyof their life-style. In other words, in the strain tradition of new definitionsof devianceare seen as responsesto the introduction various kindsof socialchangein society. Insteadof focusingon the causes of social problems,such as strain(objective traditionstressthat collective acconditions), scholarsin the social definitionist tions emergefrominteraction, processes.

As Blumerstated: especiallyinterpretive “social problemslie in and are productsof a process of collective definition” (1971:301). Spector and Kitsuse (1977) pursuedthis theme with their argument that scholarsmust focus on the claims-making the process to understand emergenceof a social problemor definitionof deviance. This processtraditionhas spawneda varietyof empiricalstudies,often focusdefinitionsof deviance. The ing on the creationof criminaland health-related best known of these studies is Becker’s (1963) analysisof the Marihuana Tax Act of 1937.

Arguingthat there was no majorincreasein the actualuse of the drug, which would be the focus of a strain explanation,Becker attributesthe new rule to the activitiesof a “moralentrepreneur. ” (For other interpretations, see Dickson, 1968; Galliherand Walker, 1977, 1978. ) Other studies have argued that juvenile courts were not created as a responseto increasesin delinquency,as the strainmodel would predict,but ratheras part of a moralcrusade of (Platt, 1969) or as the productof organizational conflictbetweensupporters the police and probationdepartments (Hagan and Leon, 1977).

In two studies of sex offensedefinitions,Rose (1977) and Roby (1969) also emphasizeprocessualexplanations. Roby examinedchanges in the New York State penal law on prostitution and found that the relative power of numerous interest groups and individuals determined the final version of the act. Similarly, Rose related the rise of the “rape problem” to the ideology and organizations generated by the women’s liberation movement. 160 THE SOCIOLOGICALQUARTERLY of The status politics interpretation the temperancemovementby Gusfield in (1963, 1967) representsanotherone of the majorprocessualapproaches the literature.

Basically,Gusfieldsuggeststhat the attemptsto have a behaviordesignated as deviantare often symbolicbattles”betweenopposedsystemsof moralities, culturesand stylesof life” (1963:173). In otherwords,it is not the behavior per se or social conditionswhich cause the attemptto label the behavioras deviant. Instead the designationof deviance must be seen as a productof status of for conflict,the competition the officialassignment honorand prestigethrough of legitimation groupnorms. The creationof new health-related of designations deviancehas been reviewed Conrad and Schneider(1980).

These authorshave set forth a “sequential by of model” and “grounded on generalizations” the medicalization deviance. Following Spectorand Kitsuse,they emphasizethe import,and not the accuracy,of medicalclaims-making, view claims as strategicdevices, and view medicalization which reflectpolitics and demedicalization devianceas “cyclicalphenomena” of of the day. In the most recent processualanalysis,Schursuggeststhat deviancemust be seen as a politicalphenomenon. Arguingthat there are at least two sides in any stigmacontest, Schursuggeststhat what is really at stake in deviancedefinitions is the power of the respectivegroups.

Since “power,of any sort, is more like a processthan an object” (1980:8), “deviancedefiningis not a static event but a continuousand changingprocess”(1980:66). In summary,the literaturereviewed above suggests two models for understandingthe collectivedefinitionof deviance. The process approacharguesthat collectivedefinitionsare the productof interestgroupdynamics. By contrastthe are is for, strainexplanation that societaldisjunctions responsible or at least play a majorrole in, the emergence new definitions. of BeyondDichotomousModels During the past decade, a numberof scholarshave attemptedto move beyond the raditionalstrainor processmodels. For example,Mauss (1975; Maussand of Wolfe, 1977) arguesthat new social problemsor new definitions devianceare best understoodas productsof social movementsled by interestgroups. In this view, social arrangements permit collective behaviorwhich usually focuses on structural strainsbroughtaboutby social change. Thoughmanystrainsare present in society, problem definitionis the product of interest groups organizing social movementswhich push for acceptanceof their definitionof reality.

Resource mobilizationtheory is another attemptto move beyond the strain and process models. This framework begins with the assumptionthat society is composedof competinggroups (economic, status, racial,etc. ). Strainis always present,since thereis conflictamonggroupsover whichvalues,norms,economic and arrangements, so forth are to prevailin the society. Group conflictand the of social movementsare analyzedin terms of the abilityof the colemergence lectivities to create and mobilize resources (Oberschall, 1973).

A dynamic element is introduced into the analysis: authorities as well as challengers possess resources; deployment by one side requires some kind of response (mobilization of additional resources) from the other side, lest the cause be defaulted. CreatingDeviance Rules 161 Marxistapproaches have also triedto move beyondstrainand processmodels. of Initially Marxist/conflict interpretations new rules defining deviance suggested that they were “firstand foremosta reflectionof the interestsof the governingclass” (Chambliss,1974:37).

In this view “thestate and legal systemare seen as instruments which can be manipulated,almost at will, by the capitalist class” (Beirne, 1979:379), an approachillustratedby Platt’s (1974) reinterpretation of the establishmentof the juvenile court as a conscious effort by SomeMarxcapitaliststo preserveexistingpoliticaland economicarrangements. ists have assigneda more ambiguous role to the state (Block, 1978), suggesting that it exercises a “relativeautonomy”in its relationship the capitalistclass to the enactmentof legislationis not alwaysin (Beirne, 1979:379).

Consequently, the objectiveinterestsof the capitalistclass, “but each case must be examined from and empirically on its own merits”(Beirne, 1979:380). Whatis important, this position,is that all of this occurswithinthe boundaries providedby the prevailing structuralrelations. Lauderdaleand Inveraritycriticizedthe early conflict approachesfor inadequately examiningthe politicalprocessunderlyingthe creationof deviance. Arguingthat “devianceis socially definedand as such is and changedthroughpoliticalprocesses”(1980a:36), they created,maintained, ask underwhat conditionsa form of actioncomes to be definedas deviant(Lauderdale, 1980:v).

Noting previousstudiesare characterized a “preoccupation by with subjectiveinterestsand lack of attentionto measuringobjectiveinterests” (1980b:229), they call for attentionto objectiveconditionsunderlyingthe deviance definitionprocess. These efforts are advancesover analyses which attributenew definitionsof devianceto social psychological processesor to the activitiesof individuals(moral entrepreneurs). Here, at least, an effortis made to locate the deviancewithin the larger social context. However, several issues remainunresolved.

First, although recent effortshave attemptedto find a role for objectiveconditions,the remainsunclear. At role of strainin the generation new deviancedesignations of one group of scholars,the social definitionists, suggestobjectivecondipresent tions are largely irrelevant,while others (especially Lauderdaleand Inverarity, to 1980b) are callingfor moreattention objectivefactors. A second majorunresolvedproblemis that none of the collectivedefinitionof deviance approachesexplains why specific behaviorsare selected for deviance silent on this issue.

Finally, In categorization. fact, the literatureis remarkably the approachesdiscussedabove do not yet explainwhy some deviancecreation effortsare unsuccessful. is in this contextthat we believe that resourcemobiliIt zation theory could prove valuable in the study of rule creationand deviance designation. Not only does it point toward relevantvariablesfor study, it also to providesan empiricalframework assess previousmovementsand predictthe successor failureof ongoingmovements. Any model or theory of deviance creation must addressthese issues.

More into a more genspecifically,a way must be found to subsumethese differences eral model rendering theoreticalissues amenableto empiricalevaluation. Toward a Sociology of Knowledge Given its theoretical import, it seems to us that there have been inexplicably few 162 THE SOCIOLOGICALQUARTERLY studiesof rule creation. Marxists,subsuming issue withinthe superstructure, the have focusedon the creationof laws whichmaintainruling-class privilege. Strain scholarstreat new rules as responsesto changedsocial conditions(new knowledge, Davis, 1975).

Only process scholars have directly addressedthe issue, viewing collective definitionsof devianceas “emergent productsof an interpretive process” (Hawkins and Tiedman, 1975:340), but studies in this tradition have not produceda rigoroustheoreticalexplanation. Instead, isolated studies have been characterized descriptiveand idiosyncratic detail withoutconnecby or tion to socialstructure generalsocialprocesses. In theirstudyof the medicalization deviance,Conradand Schneider(1980) of a solutionto the interactionist the pose impasse. Although labeling-interactionist of perspectivepresentsus with the questionsto ask concerningthe development deviancedesignations,” they note (1980:20), “it is a sociologyof knowledgeapproachthat is necessaryto answerthem. “We thinkof the sociologyof knowledge knowlas a study of the materialbasis of social ideas, categories,designations, and so forth. From this frameworkthe dependentvariablechanges: no edge, longer do we studythe deviantactor;ratherwe attemptto locate historicallythe origins and the social forces which supportedand opposed the definitionof the deviant category.

As Friedsonhas stated, the analysisshouldnot focus on “the etiology of some state so much as the etiology of the meaningof a state. Thus it asks questionslike: How does a state come to be considereddeviant? How does it come to be considered kindof devianceratherthan another? ” one (1970: 215-16). deviant To developtheirknowledgeapproach, Conradand Schneider interpret behaviorsas social constructionsof reality. Adopting Berger and Luckmann’s as (1966) scheme,they view realityconstruction a social processof threestages: The processbegins with the and internalization. xternalization, objectification, of construction a culturalproductor definition a personor collectionof perby becomespartof the generallyacceptedbody sons, continuesas the new definition of knowledge,and concludesas the individualsin publictake the new definition for grantedas partof theirworldview. We applaudConradand Schneider’s explicit sociologyof knowledgeand find their social constructionist approachinsightful. Their analysisof the historical contribution a dimensionsof the medicalization deviancerepresents significant of in by placingdeviancedesignations the broadersocial context.

At the sametime, we are uncomfortable with the apparentabsenceof a theoreticalmodel pointing to a more explicit method of data analysis. History is all aroundus; we need the guidanceto separate datafromthe noise. between In his Ideology and Utopia (1936), Karl Mannheimdistinguishes two types of sociologyof knowledge:”on the one hand a theoryand on the other hand an historical-sociological methodof research”(p. 266). As a theorywith the sociology of knowledgehas been pursuedvigepistemologicalimplications, orously.

Its methodologicalimplicationshave, however, remainedunderdevelhimselflargelyignoredthe methodological aspectsof knowledge oped. Mannheim theory, though he did write that “the most important task of the sociology of knowledge at present is to demonstrate its capacity in actual research in the historical-sociological realm” (p. 306). The methodological implications of Mannheim’s work have been pursued most CreatingDeviance Rules 163 rigorouslyby David Bloor in his 1976 book Knowledgeand Social Imagery. Bloor contendsthat our concernshouldbe phenomenological; method,howour scientific. Thesociologistis concernedwith knowlever, ought to be rigorously edge,” he writes, “purelyas a naturalphenomenon… instead of definingit as true or false belief, knowledgefor the sociologist is whatevermen take to be knowledge”(p. 2). Given that knowledgeis relativeand historicallyunstable, Bloor’s task is to elucidatethe materialbasis of its variation. To accomplishthis in task, he proposesa methodwhich he calls the “strong program” the sociology of knowledge,to wit, that our analysisought to be causal, impartial,and symmetrical.

While sociologists would not want to argue that social factors are the sole cause of belief, they should focus on how social conditionsproduceand reflect belief. In demandingan approachwhich is “impartial with respectto truthand success or failure”(p. 5), Bloor is not advofalsity, rationalityor irrationality, catinga value neutralposition. The task is not to crownwinnersor punishlosers but to understandboth sides. In that sense, Bloor’s sociology is agnostic. Ultito even irrelevant, mate truth,in any sense of the phrase,is seen as peripheral, the analysis.

Finally the strong programdemandsa symmetrical analysis. Too often scholarshave attempted analyzedeviantand normalbeliefs from differto ent stances, the former needing special explanation,while the latter–seen as logical, rational,or truthful-are seen to need no specialexplanation. We are interestedin using the sociology of knowledgeas a methodological to guide, as a way of using historicalmaterials build rigorousmodels. In a sense, then, we use Mannheimand Bloor to build a theoreticalmethod for empirical methods,especiallyas it appliesto socialhistory, study.

The notion of theoretical has been developedby Stinchcombe(1978; see also Graff, 1980). Good social theory, he asserts,must be groundedin historicaldata. “Peopledo much better the theory,”he argues,”wheninterpreting historicalsequencethanthey do when they set out to do ‘theory'” (p. 17) and “thatthe centraloperationfor building theories of history is seeking causally significantanalogiesbetween instances” of Thuswe aremost interested the methodological in implications the sociology of knowledge:as a way of pointingtowardvariables,as a way of using history, as a way-in short-of structuring analysis.

Suchan analyticstrategy,as a macroand rigorousversionof groundedtheory,ought to allow us to relateprescopic vious theoriesof devianceand our data in an iterativesort of way and, thus, to build and evaluatea model of how deviantcategoriesare designated. A DialecticalModelof DevianceDesignation In attemptingto addressthe theoreticaland methodologicalissues raised, we propose a dialecticalmodel of deviance designation. The model, presentedin to however,it attempts transcend Figure1, is influenced resourcemobilization; by arany single theory.

We begin with the assumptionthat within the structural is composedof a numberof generalinterestsin varying rangements, everysociety degreesof conflict. Such groupsmay be of varyingnature:with inclusiveor exin clusive membership, broad or narrowfocus. Their concernwith the definition (p. 7). Figure 1. A DialecticalModel of DevianceDefiniti General vested & other interests Definition i – +- Strain General vested & other interests S/ Specific interests CreatingDeviance Rules 165 question,however,is either peripheral,quiescent,or not effectivein the public arena.

The initial or prevailingdefinitionof a behavioras acceptableor unacceptable representsthe outcome of previousspecific interestgroup conflict;in other words, the balanceof the resourcesthe two sides were able to mobilize. or This balance or accommodation becomes vulnerablewith the introduction increase of strain. This developmentprovides existing general interest groups with a new resourceand opportunity claims-making. for Specificinterestgroups towardthe specific (includingthe state) form,or mobilize,or becomeredirected issue in question.

Faced with a challenge to their interests,groups benefiting from the prevailingdefinitionrespondby marshaling their own resources. The battle of these groups to maintainor change a rule is joined, the outcome dependingon the balance of the mobilizedresources. To speak of the “balanceof mobilized resources”should not be seen as merely suggestinga simplisticaccountingbalance. Of coursethe matteris muchmore complex. For example,the efficientemployment resources–usingresourcesin an arenawherethey have of maximal impact-may be just as importantas quantity.

The net result is that over a periodof time, at time2,the originaldefinitionsurvivesor a new designation takesits place. for In explicatingthe model, we make the following arguments its utility in collectivedefinition deviance: of examining issues raisedin the 1. The model addressesor handlesmanyof the theoretical literature. For example, existing sociological explanations assign central importance to, or ignore, the role of strain. The dialectical model directs the scholar’sattentionto the role of strainbut does not preclude,in fact demands, examinationof other social processes.

In addition,by viewing the state as an interestedparty, albeit a group with unique resources,it is possibleto examine official actions without assumingthe existence of an all powerfulmonolithical the definitional outcomes. Furthermore, modelpermitsanalysis entitydetermining and explanationof outcomeswhereneitherside achievestotal victory. in 2. The dialecticalmodel is consistentwith the “strong program” the sociology of knowledge. As Bloor (1976) has requested,this modelis causal,impartial, and symmetrical. Figure 1 is time ordered;that is, variablesappearin causal sequence with one another.

Moreoverthese sequences are made explicit, thus data analysis. The model thus allowsfor attemptsat statisticalmodelfacilitating of processvariablesby techniquesdevelopedfrom social factisttraditions. ing The model treats deviance rule creationsas naturalphenomena. Whethera rule is good or bad is irrelevant our analysis. RecallingGusfield’sstudyof the to temperancemovement,the validityof analysiswas independentof truthclaims about alcohol. Whetherthe drug is actuallyan aphrodisiac,a depressant,or a tool of the devil was essentiallyirrelevantto his conclusions.

Taking such an it agnosticpositionhas methodological implications: allowsfor the formalmodelvariables. Moreover,Bloor’slast dictum-that analysis ing of phenomenological be symmetrical–hasobvious implicationsfor the dialecticalmodel. Note that interestsfor or againstany definitionare handledin the same way, and have the same causal input into the model. 166 THE SOCIOLOGICALQUARTERLY 3. The model is dialectical. The theoryis timelessand has no end stage. Figure 1 shows only one referenceframe. But upon acceptanceof “Definition2,” general vested or other interestsare alreadyin place, advocatingfor or againsta new definition.

Though the theory is sequential,in the sense that it goes forwardin remainuntime, the units of time are not specified. Some deviancedesignations for long periods of time, others move more rapidlythroughstages of changed and vindication. Conradand Schneider,thinkingalong the same stigmatization of and demedicalization deviance the lines, have conceptualized medicalization as “cyclical”(1980:271). We preferto use the termdialectical,in that it leaves ratherthan suggestinga rethe directionof the next redefinition problematic as turnto an originalpoint. nor4. Deviance and normalcyare not distinctcategories.

We conceptualize coordinatesystem. As a prescribed as a point in a multidimensional guide malcy for conduct, a rule designatesthe limits of space aroundthe point in which a behavioris seen as deviant. behavioris viewed as normal. Outsidethis boundary, Now we can justify using the terms “rulecreation”and “deviancedesignation” more or less synonymously. The formerrefersto the boundaryitself, whichmay be thick or fuzzy; the latter refers to the space outside the boundary. Any behavioralboundary,in our view, is subject to cultural,temporal,or situational between factorswhich continuously defineit, or redefineit.

Thus is the boundary deviancy and normalcycontinuouslydrawnand redrawn,and a behavioralresituation,but ratherby definitionoccursnot by quantumleaps, as an “either-or” or pulled througha system of space. In the dialecticalmodel the being pushed as pushesor pulls aremanifested strainor process. and analyticintentions 5. The model is macroscopic. Our conceptualization the collectivelevel. We do not directlyconsider,for example,the are clearly at motivationsof an individualactor or leader. For two reasonswe down-playthe importof, or perhapseven ignore,such questionsas: Did leaderX makedecision or Y sincerelyor cynically?

Is he or she a moralentrepreneur a typical (but not concernedsuburbanite? First,we doubt,in social factistlanguage, authoritarian) that such variablesexplainvery much variancein deviancedesignation. The individual,qua individual,role in collective, historicprocessesis always limited. To Our second reasonis methodological: the extentthat psychologicalvariables are important,how are they to be measuredor assessed? For historicalstudies, motivationseems particularly Secondarysources,as well as various problematic. kinds of documents,seem suspecthere.

Even in contemporary settings,people’s of their own or others’motivationsare not trustworthy, especiallygiven reports or the vested or strategicinterestswhich can be served by lying, exaggerating, selectivelyforgetting. Rather,we focus on such variablesas strainand resources over time. and which can be operationalized measuredcomparably 6. The dialecticalmodel uses history. The model invites, perhapseven demands, a given rule to be placed in historical context. Moreover the data needed to test the model are historical, preferably in time series, data.

The model is shaped by these data and is thus grounded and inductive as Conrad and Schnei- CreatingDeviance Rules 167 der (1980:265) have suggested. In that sense the dialecticalmodel is meant to evaluate,as much as formallytest, historicalsequencesof data. 7. The model is conflictoriented,though not necessarilyMarxist. Many deviance designations,particularlythose formalizedas laws, are amenableto a Marxist analysis consistentwith the model. Large sums of money or other resources are often used by ruling elites for maintenanceof deviance definitions do or, less often, change.

However,some deviancedefinitions not seem to fit the Marxistmodel (see Markle and Troyer, 1979, or Hagan and Leon, 1977, for two such case studies). In the dialecticalmodel, vested or other interests(religious, ethnic, sex, status,etc. ) can militatefor, and indeedbe successfulat, creat(uneming new definitionsof deviance. Similarlystrainmightbe substructural strain ployment,new technology,etc. ), but the model allows for superstructural (e. g. , new knowledge). Using the DialecticalModel As an inductivetheory,the true test of the dialecticalmodel is its utility.

Let us and suggesta few ways, then, how the model mightbe operationalized used. We in begin with the concept of strain,which can be operationalized severalways. In our own researchon cigarettesmoking(Markleand Troyer,1979) and estrolegen replacements(McCrea and Markle, 1980), strainwas the appearance, or dissemination new knowledge; strainin our researchon Laetrile of gitimation, (Markle and Petersen, 1980) was, among other factors, an increasedconcern over cancer. As new health-related knowledgeclaims, strain can be measured with variousbibliometric techniques.

A simple content analysisof relevantarticles, over a period of years, from Index Medicus can be used to chart such knowledgeclaims. The perceivedlegitimacyof such claims can be assessedby the professionalprestige of the author or journal. Finally, the entry of such knowledgeclaims into the public arena can be measuredusing the New York Times Index, which Jenkins and Perrow (1977) found highly effective,or by one of severalnewspaperdata banks (e. g. , Newsbank)now in existence. After looking at strain,it is easy enoughto identifyspecificinterestsinvolved in redefinition.

Such organizations groups will have appearedas recipients, or sponsors,aggrievedparties,etc. , in news accountsor scholarlycitation. The resources of these groups can be measuredin severalways. The Encyclopediaof Associations, updated almost yearly, lists purportedmembershipsand other for simple demographics manysuchgroups. Moreover,most interestgroupshave which are usuallyeasy to obtain, often at literatureor even regularpublications no cost. When interests are corporate,much informationon resourcescan be gleaned from annual reports or, with somewhatmore effort, from regulatory In agenciessuch as the Securitiesand ExchangeCommission. ase studieswhere is an interestedparty, vast amounts of official statistics may be government available (see, e. g. , Markle and Troyer, 1979). Moreover,the researchercan use the Freedomof Information Act to obtain a deep windowinto government actions and resourcesin variousdeviancedesignations. Throughpublic records and other availabledata, every concept in the dialecticalmodel can be operationalized. Indeed,to measureresourcesin comparable ways, we have suggested of the development a researchprotocol (Markleand Petersen,1981). 168 THE SOCIOLOGICALQUARTERLY A Final Word iancearecreated changed, beenneglected socialtheory research. and or in has We believethat neglectcomes from theoretical The misdirection. dialectical thesedifficulties. to model,whichis knowledge based,is ourattempt ameliorate Becauseit attempts integrate traditional the theoryinvites to two approaches, both philosophical- empirical-based and criticisms. Thoughwe welcomethe we The in interested thelatter. realtestof thedialectical former, areparticularly modelis whether works. it Andwhether not it workscan onlybe judged or by it holdingit up to the lightof, and adjudicating with,historicaland contemporary

A crucialelementof social change and conflict,why and how definitionsof de- research. REFERENCES Barnes, Barry. 1974. ScientificKnowledgeand SociologicalTheory. London: Routledgeand Kegan Paul. Becker, Howard S. 1963. Outsiders:Studiesin the Sociology of Deviance. New York: Free Press. and the critiqueof Marxismon law and crime. ” Social Problems26:373Beirne, Piers. 1979. “Empiricism 85. Berger, Peter L. , and Thomas Luckmann. 1966. The Social Constructionof Reality. Garden City, N. Y. : Doubleday. Block, Fred. 1978. “The rulingclass does not rule. ” Pp. 128-40 in RichardQuinney,ed. CapitalistSociety: Readingsfor a CriticalSociology. Homewood,Ill. : Dorsey. Bloor, David. 1976. Knowledgeand Social Imagery. London: Routledgeand Kegan Paul. Blummer,Herbert. 1962. “Society as symbolic interaction. “Pp. 179-92 in Arnold Rose, ed. , Human Behaviorand Social Processes. Boston:HoughtonMiffltin. 1971. “Socialproblemsas collectivebehavior. “Social Problems18:298-306. —. Chambliss,William J. 1964. “A sociologicalanalysisof the law of vagrancy. “Social Problems12:67-77. . 1974. “The state, the law, and the definitionof behavior as criminalor delinquent. “Pp. 7-42 in Daniel Glaser, ed. Handbookof Criminology. Bobbs-Merrill. Indianapolis: Collins, Randall. 1975. ConflictSociology: TowardAn ExplanatoryScience. New York: AcademicPress. Conrad, Peter. 1975. “The discovery of hyperkinesis:notes on the medicalizationof deviant behavior. ” Social Problems23:12-21. , and JosephW. Schneider. 1980. Deviance and Medicalization:From Badnessto Sickness. St. Louis: Mosby. Davis, F. James. 1975. “Beliefs, values, power, and public definitionsof deviance. “Pp. 50-59 in F. James Davis and RichardStivers,eds. , The CollectiveDefinitionof Deviance. New York: Free Press. of Davis, Nanette J. 980. SociologicalConstruction Deviance:Perspectivesand Issues in the Field. 2d ed. Dubuque,Iowa: Wm. C. Brown. and morality:an organizational perspectiveon a moral crusade. ” Dickson, Donald T. 1968. “Bureaucracy Social Problems16:143-56. Freidson,Eliot. 1970. Proessionof Medicine. New York: Dodd, Mead. Galliher,John F. 1978. “The politics of systematicresearcherror: the case of the Federal Bureauof Narcotics as a moralentrepreneur. ” Crimeand Social Justice10:29-33. , and Allyn Walter. 1977. “The puzzle of the social origins of the MarihuanaTax Act of 1937. ” Social Problems24:367-76.

TheoreticalMethodsin Social History. American Graft, Harvey J. 1980. Review of ArthurJ. Stinchcombe, Journalof Sociology85:1442-46. Gusfield, Joseph. 1963. Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the AmericanTemperanceMovement. Urbana: Universityof Illinois Press. -. 1967. “Moral passage: the symbolic process in public designationsof deviance. “Social Problems 15:175-88. delinquency:social history, political ideology, and Hagan, John, and Jeffery Leon. 1977. “Rediscovering the sociologyof law. ” AmericanSociologicalReview42:587-98. CreatingDevianceRules 169 Hawkins, Richard, and Gard Tiedman. 975. The Creation of Deviance. Columbus, Ohio: Charles E. Merrill. Jenkins, J. Craig, and Charles Perrow. 1977. “Insurgencyand the powerless: farm worker movements (1946-1972). “AmericanSociologicalReview42:249-68. Lauderdale,Pat, ed. 1980. A Political Analysis of Deviance. Minneapolis:Universityof MinnesotaPress. , and James Inverarity. 1980a. “From apoliticalto political analysesof deviance. “Pp. 15-44 in Pat Lauderdale,ed. , A Political Analysis of Deviance. Minneapolis:Universityof MinnesotaPress. . 1980b. “Afterword: suggestionfor the study of the political dimensionsof deviancedefinition. Pp. 221-37 in Pat Lauderdale, ed. , A Political Analysisof Deviance. Minneapolis:Universityof Minnesota. Levine, Harry Gene. 1978. “The discoveryof addiction: changingconceptionsof habitual drunkenness in America. “Journalof Studieson Alcohol 39:143-74. McCrea, Frances B. , and Gerald E. Markle. 1981. “The estrogen replacementcontroversyin the United States and Great Britain: differentanswersto the same question? “Paper presentedat the AnnualMeeting of the Societyfor the Social Studiesof Science,Toronto. Mannheim, Karl. 1936. Ideology and Utopia. Translatedby Louis With and Edward Shils.

New York: Harcourt,Brace and World. Markle, Gerald E. , and James C. Petersen. 1980. Politics, Science, and Cancer: The LaetrilePhenomenon. Boulder,Colo. : WestviewPress. , 1981. “Controversiesin science and technology: a protocol for comparativeresearch. ” Science Technologyand HumanValues 6:25-30. Markle, Gerald C. , and Ronald J. Troyer. 1979. “Smoke gets in your eyes: cigarettesmoking as deviant behavior. “Social Problems26:611-25. J. Mauss, ArmandL. 1975. Social Problemsas Social Movements. Philadelphia: B. Lippincott. Sociology6:602-606. . 1977. Reviewof social problemsbooks.

Contemporary , and Julie Camile Wolfe. 1977. This Land of Promises. Philadelphia:J. B. Lippincott. of Neuhring, Elaine, and Gerald E. Markle. 1974. “Nicotine and norms: the re-emergence a deviant behavior. ” Social Problems21:513-26. Oberschall,Anthony. 1973. Social Conflictand Social Movements. EnglewoodCliffs, N. J. : Prentice-Hall. Pfohl, StephenJ. 1977. “The discoveryof child abuse. ” Social Problems24:310-23. Platt, Anthony M. 1969. The Child Savers: The Inventionof Delinquency. Chicago: Universityof Chicago Press. 1974. “The triumphof benevolence:the originsof the juvenilejustice systemin the United States. -. Pp. 356-89 in RichardQuinney,ed. , CriminalJusticein America. Boston: Little, Brownand Company. Ritzer, George. 1975. Sociology: A MultipleParadigmScience. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Roby, Pamela A. 1969. “Politics and criminallaw: revisionof the New York State penal law on prostitution. ” Social Problems17:83-109. Rose, Vicki McNickle. 1977. “The rise of the rape problem. “Pp. 167-95 in ArmandL. Mauss and Julie CamileWolfe, eds. , This Land of Promises. Philadelphia: B. Lippincott. J. Social Schneider,Joseph W. 1978. “Deviant drinkingas disease: alcoholismas a social accomplishment. Problems25:361-72. Schur,EdwinM. 1980. The Politics of Deviance: StigmaContestsand the Uses of Power. EnglewoodCliffs, N. J. : Prentice-Hall. Smelser, Neil J. 1962. Theory of CollectiveBehavior. New York: Free Press of Glencoe. Social Problems. Menlo Park, Calif. : Cummings. Spector,Malcolm,and John T. Kitsuse. 1977. Constructing Stinchcombe,ArthurL. 1978. TheoreticalMethodsin Social History. New York: AcademicPress. Robert G. Cushing,and CharlesG. Bowman. 1977. “The antiZurcher,Louis A. , R. George Kirkpatrick, a pornography campaign: symboliccrusade. “Social Problems19:217-38.

”Deviance refers to any behaviour that is considered to be violating social norms or to persons that engage in such behaviour” (Adler & Adler (2009: 21). Deviance does not just occur to any form of behaviour, but we need to bear in mind the fact that behaviour or people that are deviant are only defined as deviant if and only if society views that particular behaviour as deviant (Adler & Adler (2009: 21). Deviance can either be positive, which is over conformity but is at the same time positively evaluated by the audience (Heckert, 1998: 23).

There is also negative deviance, which is under conformity but on the other hand negatively evaluated, rate-busting, which refers to those individuals who under conform but are negatively evaluated by society and there is also another term referred to as deviance admiration, which is the “bad boy” image, which is under-conformity but somehow admired and positively evaluated by society or groups in society (Heckert, 1998: 23). Deviance has no fixed definition but instead, it is broad and has various definitions linked to the term.

There are however 5 basic definitions for deviance in sociology namely, the Reactive constructionist approach, the Normative approach, Violation of rights, Absolutist approach and lastly, the Statistical approach. The reactive constructionist approach focuses on the reactions of an audience, which is society to certain behaviours. This is when behaviour is only considered deviant if it has been condemned by society. It involves publicly labelling behaviour as deviant and also followed by an equally negative reaction by the public (Dodge, 1985: 18).

The normative approach on the other hand defines deviance as a “departure” or going against the set or generally accepted norms in society (Dodge, 1985: 20). Usually, the norm that has been violated is not usually put into place or is not usually in existence until a behaviour, which society reacts to, is seen as unacceptable and therefore deviant and then the norm is put into place and into existence after such occurrences.

The statistical approach focuses on the behaviours that differ from average or normal experiences of society. In this case, the deviant individual or group of individuals engages in behaviour that the majority of the people do not engage in (Heckert, 1998: 25). This form of approach is mainly applied when analysing organisations. With the violation of rights approach, behaviour is considered deviant if it, in any way, violates the rights of any other individual. The individual or individuals hat are considered are labelled and they receive a negative reaction from society for their behaviour. Lastly, the absolutist approach of deviance claims that deviance resides in the very nature of an act and is wrong at all times and in all places (Heckert, 1998: 28). It does not have to depend on the environment, the reaction of the audience or the punishment and severity of the act. Principles of right and wrong are applied and an act is deviant once it goes against those principles.

With the case of Amanda, who was heavily criticised by the public for killing her sister by stabbing her with a bread knife, the reactive constructionist theory is most applicable because according to her mother, she was just an innocent girl, who made a terrible mistake and her family did not battle forgiving her, but because the media reacted in a certain way, which was negative and the reaction eventually spread and influenced the rest of society in which they started condemning Amanda and making her life miserable, to the extent that she also condemned herself and started hating herself to the point where she believed she was evil and deserved to die. Another issue with deviance is the issue of stigma.

Stigma refers to the negative gap or some form of division between the deviant individuals and the people who are not deviant or do not go against the norms of society (Goffman, 1963: 3). There is usually a lot of tension by the “normal” people and it is always the deviants that have to suffer and manage the tension because they are usually the minority group in the cases of deviant acts (Goffman, 1963: 7). Amanda had the stigma of a killer or brutal murderer attached to her by the public and throughout the rest of her life, had had to endure suffering at the hands of the public. She had to cope with the labelling and the gossiping that constantly surrounded her.

With the issue of stigmatisation, the individuals who are suffering also have the option of managing the stigma. In Amanda’s case, the one most relevant option that she did have and fairly used was turning to stigmatised others, such as people she was imprisoned with and by turning to sympathetic others, which in this case was her mother and her friends for support and coping because there was not much she could have done such as support groups etc. because she had spent a lot of time in prison (Goffman, 1963: 14). In Amanda’s case, she has her family supporting her saying she is not at fault, in other words that her behaviour was not deviant, while on the other hand, the public viewed her behaviour as deviant.

This then brings us to the question about whether there is a difference between deviance and crime. Some crimes may be thought of as deviant but not criminal and other, criminal but not deviant. The safest route to go by is simply saying that the difference separating deviance from crime is the breaking of the law, which is considered a crime or the violating of the social norm, which is deviance (Marshal and Meier, 2011: 16). Basically, people could engage in criminal behaviour, which may be accepted in a particular society, such as drinking and driving, but because it is not generally frowned upon, those people are accepted and are not considered deviant by their society.

One other person on the other hand, may commit a deviant act, such as Amanda, who was said to have attacked her sister unintentionally, but because society rebukes such, she is considered a deviant, an outcast and is labelled and has no freedom to live her live as she pleases without people making it miserable for her. Labelling, which is closely linked to stigma, refers to the public seeing the deviants as different to anyone else and are mainly carried out by moral entrepreneurs (Marshal and Meier, 2011: 17). There are three different forms of labelling which can be taken into consideration, which is primary deviance, secondary deviance and tertiary deviance. These forms or theories of labelling come with consequences as well.

In the case of primary deviance, an individual is given a label but they are not affected by such, so they basically ignore and deny the label given to them by the public (Marshal and Meier, 2011: 21). The second scenario, which is secondary deviance, individuals are given a label and so as a form of escapism, they then live up to that label that they have been given, such as someone being call uptight, condescending or in simpler words, a snob, then tends to try and intimidate and bring people down by all means possible (Marshal and Meier, 2011: 20). With tertiary deviance, an individual is labelled, but refuses to neither deny nor accept and instead tries and proves that there is nothing deviant about their behaviour (Marshal and Meier, 2011: 19). In Amanda’s case she was both primarily and secondarily labelled.

Her family tried denying the primary labelling for her, but rather she took up secondary deviance, where she actually accepted that she was a murderer and that she deserved to die like a murderer. Moral entrepreneurs are those individuals who try to create and enforce new definitions of morality and what is deviant and what is not (Adler & Adler, 2009: 136). These new definitions that they try and enforce are mainly put in place to try and benefit them and what they believe in (Adler & Adler, 2009: 137). In many cases, if not all, there is always a number of moral entrepreneurs and not just one and they are each trying to act at their own self-interest (Adler & Adler, 2009: 137).

In Amanda’s case, the main moral entrepreneurs are the society, Amanda and her own mother. Society created a label for Amanda that she carried with her and was never removed until the day that she died. Society saw her as a criminal who deserved to be punished because in that society, killing people with bread knives was not considered moral, even though they did not know the main reason or what had exactly happened. Amanda on the other hand did not see anything wrong that she had done and instead got negatively influenced by the stigma that had been attached to her and therefore saw herself as a deviant that deserved the most severe punishment possible.

With Amanda’s mother, she saw her daughter as the innocent one victimised by society. She blamed society for her daughters’ misery claiming that she had not done anything wrong, even though it was evident that she had murdered her own sisters for reasons unknown, but because she did not see anything wrong with her daughters actions, she believed that she should not be punished even though murder is considered a crime and should therefore be punishable. They then in a way were seen to be a folk devil, which means that they were viewed as a threat and a bad influence to society (Dodge, 1985: 28). It is rather astonishing how Amanda’s case eventually turned out.

Some people, mainly family were on her side, while the whole public was against her. Now it is a mystery as to how such situations can be explained and justified. Why would, in one society, people have different beliefs? According to the Marxist socialist theory of deviance, society is not based on consensus and shared values, but rather, it is an outcome of the continuing struggle between the social classes, the elite and the proletariat (Marshal and Meier, 2011: 19). In this form of society, which is mainly a capitalist society, there are individuals who exploit others and those who are exploited and therefore those who commit crime are doing those who are exploited justice (Marshal and Meier, 2011: 19).

In Amanda’s case, there is no clear reason as to why the crime was committed, but her sentence was not heavy and therefore this could also be a sign as to how much influence they had on the ruling system, showing how much those who are influential can control everything in society ranging from economy to politics and laws. Amanda’s case is a clear example of what we call moral panic. Moral panic, according to Cohen (1972), cited in Victor (1998: 542), is societal response to beliefs about a threat from factors or individuals known as ‘moral deviants’. The group of individuals become defined as a threat to the values as well as the interests of that particular society and they are presented in this way by the mass media and other key actors (moral entrepreneurs).

Society managed to foster moral panic because a widespread concern about the issue was promoted by much attention by society and basically the whole issue eventually took center stage. According to Adler & Adler (2009: 137), moral panic must be triggered by specific event at the right moment, draw attention to a specific group as a target, have provocative content revealed, and supported by formal and informal communication outlets, which in Amanda’s case happened because now her tragedy attracted much attention from society and basically caused a panic. This again just proves how deviance has no set barriers, but instead the classification of deviance has no set or particular traits, but rather, behaviour is seen as deviant only based on the social definitions that vary from society to society at different times. Society is the biggest role player in distinguishing deviant behaviour and through moral panic, they managed to exclude, label and target deviants because they have gone against what is believed to be social norms.

Reference List Adler, P. and Adler, P. (2009). (6th ed). Constructions of Deviance: social power, context and interaction. Belmon, Calif: Thomson/Wadsworth. Pages 135-138; Chapter 17. Cohen, S. (1972). Folk Devils and Moral Panics. St Martin’s: New York. Dodge, D. (1985). Deviant Behaviour: The over-negativized conceptualization of deviance. Los Angeles: California. Goffman, E. (1963). Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity. New York: United States. Heckert, D. M. (1998). Positive deviance: A classificatory model. New York: United States. Marshal, C & Meier, R. (2011). Sociology of Deviant behaviour (14th ed). Belmont: USA.

What Conrad & Poole (1998) refer to as a “relational strategy of organizing” is more commonly called the “human relations approach” or “human relations school” of management by organizational theorists. This human relations approach can be seen as being almost entirely antithetical to the principles of classical management theory. Where classical management focused on the rationalization of work routines, human relations approaches stressed the accommodation of work routines and individual motional and relational needs as a means of increasing productivity.

To a great extent, the human relations approach can be seen as a response to classical management an attempt to move away from the inflexibility of classical management approaches. The human relations approach can also be seen as a response to a highly charged and polarized social climate in which labor and management were viewed as fundamentally opposed to one another, and communism was seen as a very real and immediate danger to the social order the otion of class struggle propounded by Marxist theorists was taken very seriously.

By focusing on the extent to which workers and managers shared economic interests in the success of the organization, the human relations approach can be seen as an attempt to move beyond the class struggle idea. Of course, the human relations approach (which really emerged in the late 1930s) was made possible by the fairly coercive suppression of the most radical organized labor movements.

The sidebar describes one such movement, and is provided in order to indicate the social climate extant in the period immediately preceding the emergence of the human relations approach. In essence, the human relations approach sees the organization as a cooperative enterprise wherein worker morale is a primary contributor to productivity, and so seeks to improve productivity by modifying the work environment to increase morale and develop a more skilled and capable worker.

It is important to determine methods the company will use to measure employee’s skills, address skill gaps, and an approach for effective feedback. Atwood & Allen Consulting will provide Information on creating a successful performance management framework for Landslide Limousine. Organizational Business Strategy In previous communications with Atwood and Allen, the desire to start Landslide Limousines In Austin, Texas was expressed. The objective or strategy for the limousine company Is to provide first-class transportation options for a variety of customers.

The anticipated net revenue for the first year is $50,000 with an expectation of 5% increases in net revenue over the next several years and an estimated 10% turnover rate. Atwood & Allen believes the businesses short-term and long-term goals are realistic for the first few years. A strategic performance management framework will align the company’s goals, set the foundation for FIFO Organizational Performance Philosophy The company must identify the organizational performance philosophy by establishing a strong strategic performance management framework.

The philosophy of the business should be built on excellent customer service to compete n the existing competitive market in Austin, Texas. Employee expectations must be clear to help build a positive reputation in the market. To evaluate employees, Atwood & Allen recommends the company use a Behavior- oriented rating method. When performing behavior-oriented ratings, it is important for the company to capture customer satisfaction. An effective approach would be to create a behavioral checklist based on questions used on Landslide Limousines customer satisfaction survey (Socio, 2013).

The company could also use other effective methods to evaluate employees, such as graphic rating scales. Graphic rating scales are created with rating factors down one side, such as attendance, appearance, communication skills, and driving skills, and across the top would be level of performance (Socio, 2013). Customer feedback and individual evaluations will offer the company the opportunity to obtain this information. Job Analysis It is important for the company to create a solid performance management plan to help decide on an effective Job analysis.

The Job analysis will assist with identifying the skills required by Landslide Limousine employees. Job analysis is the process of obtaining information about Jobs and “typically includes information about the tasks to be done on the Job, as well as the personal characteristics (experience, education, personality, specialized training) necessary to do the task” (2013, p. 165). Atwood & Allen suggest the observation and critical incidents methods compared to the other methods available to determine the necessary skills for the employees.

The observation method requires an analyst to observe a worker. During the observation stage the analyst records, “what, why, and how of various parts of the Job” (Socio, 2013, p. 172). To use this method, information is gathered from services of other limousine company’s in the area to record in a standard format (Socio, 2013). The critical incidents method is comprised of “brief actual reports that illustrate particularly effective or ineffective worker behaviors” (Socio, 2013, p. 173).

To accomplish the critical incidents method, the company should record situations one encounters while using other limousine services in the area. The information the company gathers will give a clear picture of Job requirements and assist in developing excellent customer service to out perform competitors (Socio, 2013). Skills, Skill Gaps, and Feedback Once the company identifies the necessary skill for employees, methods to measure the skills, address skill gaps, and approach to deliver effective performance feedback must be established.

To establish the Behavior-oriented ratings method, Landslide Limousine must set goals for each employee. “Goal setting has a proven track record of success in improving performance in a variety of settings and cultures” (Socio, 2013, p. 333). Assigning each goal a value will help to effectively evaluate each employee. Performing evaluations is effective if the numeric score, based on goals achieved, and customer satisfaction input is calculated to establish a basis for the employees with other employees within the company.

Benefits such as bonuses and pay raises should be linked to performance and evaluations. To keep the company’s strategic goals on track, Atwood & Allen recommends the company perform quarterly evaluations to assess employee performance. During the evaluation process, if skill gaps are identified it is important to address them immediately. The most effective way to address skill gaps is with training (Socio, 2013). Considering the limousine reversion, the simulation method and On-the-Job training method are the most appropriate training methods.

The simulation training uses techniques such as behavior modeling and role-playing to improve skill gaps with customer service issues. On-the-Job (TOTS) is another training method the company can use. This method is appropriate when an employee is not receiving positive customer feedback. This method works by placing the employee with negative feedback with an employee who received exceptional customer feedback to train him or her on how to handle situations and interact with customers more effectively. The company must deliver effective performance feedback to complete the performance management framework.

Landslide Limousine’s reputation and place in the current market depends on excellent customer service. To assure management and employees are working together to meet the organizations strategic goals, the company must provide frequent feedback. Atwood & Allen recommends the company perform quarterly and annual evaluations. It is crucial that Landslide Limousine stress open communication for employees with immediate feedback to employees based on customer comments. Regular meetings should be scheduled or management and employees to discuss goals and strategy.

A human pore lets sweat out and oxygen in. Information that is porous is an open thought that allows you to interpret anyway you want. For example, in a book that describes a character, you can imagine their appearance based on the details given. Books at least allow the reader to put them down, giving people time to think and reason about the information they contain. TV might look more fun than books, but it never gives you a chance to think about the information in your own way and to reason your own conclusions. In our socio, we have the same thing missing.

For example, in our schools, and in standardized testing we lack quality of information. Teachers use Overprints, which are slide shows, to present their material, instead of boring lectures. Teachers use too much animation believing that they’re making their material more interesting, which actually distracts students from learning. On standardized tests, they ask what questions How and why questions which make them all multiple choice instead of short answer. Multiple choice questions don’t allow students to think outside of the box, or explain their thinking.

In addition, social media promotes shallow thinking. On social media, you have Youth where people just post stupid videos, and then you have Mainstream which just has pointless pictures. Social media could be used for more engaging discussions, but people waste their time posting stupid things. So today’s society is similar to the way Faber describes their society in the book. Faber defines leisure to digest as not being overstretched and having time to think. In the book, Montage states that they have a lot of time off of work, but Faber points out hat their minds are consumed with unimportant information.

For example, very large all-consuming billboards, stupid catchy jingles, and TV’s on all the walls of their homes are distracting them. When they aren’t bombarded with media, they are fearing for their lives because they are thinking about the dangers in the society. Similarly in our society, we spend too much time watching TV, going to school, and doing homework. Teenagers sleep as much as they can because teachers assign too much homework which makes them stay up late and get up early to go to school.

Therefore, we don’t have the energy and brain space to think. Faber defines the right to carry out actions based on the other two items as people need to fight for their rights to do something about what they gather from the books. If they read and determine that something should be changed, then they would have the right to take action and stand up for what they believe in. In our society, people have limited say in decisions. For example, protestors get in trouble for standing up for their rights. Kids in school have little right to speak about tepid teachers.

Armstrong (2003) denotes that one of the strengths of the Harvard model is its recognition of trade-offs, wherein the presence conflicting interests between stakeholders (ie. Management-union, employee-employer) necessitates the adoption of HR policy choices that may be beneficial for one but detrimental to others. For instance, employee incentives (a form of reward for good performance) may be foregone when the company is in need of savings or cost-cutting mechanism. In such a situation, the employer is able to fulfill the need to save but a key HR activity is sacrificed.

The third model, proposed by Guest et. al (2000), outlines the “strategic and coherent approach to the management of an organization’s valued assets (Armstrong 2003),” who are the employees. Unlike the Harvard model which takes the viewpoint that HRM involves the balancing or mediation of different—and sometimes conflicting—stakeholder interests and situational factors, the Guest model starts from a unitarist position that employees and employers share the same interests which is excellent financial performance of the company (Armstrong 2003). Thus, the shared interest of the employee and employer is concretized in the business strategy, which defines the company HR strategy.

Both business and HR strategies influence the manner and characteristics of HR practice and activities. HR activities may or may not be effective and this is reflected in the outcomes such as employee competence, commitment, and flexibility. Outcomes can therefore be measured by the extent of employee productivity and the quality of goods and service delivery. Both productivity of the employees and product quality then determine the financial performance of the organization or company. Application of the Three HRM Theories in the Hospitality Industry

The interest of finding best practices in human resource management makes it necessary to identify how theories are applied in respective industries and the gaps that exist vis-a-vis existing theoretical knowledge and actual practice. With regard to the hospitality industry, the emergent concerns on high labor turnover, increased occupational hazards, and low wage that characterize the service industry have caught the attention of HRM practices in an attempt to underline the difference between regarding employees as costs, on one hand, and considering them as important capital that contribute to the growth and performance of the organization.

Many scholars have examined the prevailing human resource management conditions in the hospitality industry and have found it to be among those with the poorest performance in terms of HRM practice (Sisson, 1993; Guest and Conway 1999; Wilton 2006). Guest and Conway (1999), for instance, described the hospitality industry as an HRM ‘black hole’ which meant that the industry practice of employee practice was almost zero.

Wilton (2006) also observes that the “high-volume, low-cost product market” and the profit-driven characteristic of the hospitality environment entailed the need for “cost-reduction business strategy” which is usually through use of “non-standard employment, subcontracting and Taylorised working practices such as job prescription, a high degree of specialisation, minimal training and a high level of monitoring.

” Employment policies in most hotels were thus influenced mostly by the need to minimize wages in the face of fluctuating product demand and as such were more likely to implement short term wage minimization and labor-saving policies rather than long-term strategies which focus on building employee commitment and competence.

As such, the practice in most hotels and related industries have been to employ contractual employees rather than regular employees since contractual work may be hired during peak season and later fired when demand subsides. Based on the three HRM theories discussed therefore, there is a glaring lack of employment practice that would contribute to good financial performance in the hospitality industry.

This is rooted in the fact that it views its employees mainly as additional costs rather than important contributors to the organizational goals and objectives as proposed by the Guest model. Hales and Tamangani (1996) drives a scathing criticism of the HR practice when they remarked that ‘the pressing needs of the immediate and recurrent often drive out longer-term consideration’ in the hospitality industry and that hotel managers have been lacking in strategic planning and managing capabilities.

Unfortunately, if one is to consider the “trade-off” idea proposed by the Harvard model, it could be the human resource practice which could bring together the employee and employer interest which would make the friction created between the need for profit and the need to cut costs more manageable. Likewise, as assumed under the Gates model, the quality of goods and service delivery in the hospitality setting may be enhanced by a competent, committed, and flexible employee base that results from excellent training, development, and competitive remuneration and reward systems.

Therefore, the ultimate goal of profit generation may be achieved by a concrete HR structure and policy in the hospitality industry. In the end, the inherent business interest, which is to be a financially-sound organization, in the hospitality industry, will be met after the industry solves the recurring employee problems such as high turn-over and job dissatisfaction which leads to more costs through customers lost from poor service quality.

This entails a sound HR policy based on the ever-growing, and basic, HRM theoretical knowledge and best practices that would hopefully usher in better employment practices in the hospitality industry.

References Cited:

Bratton, J. and Gold, J. (2001). Human Resource Management: Theory and Practice, 2nd Edition. USA: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Beaumont, P. (1993). Human Resource Management: Key Concepts and Skills. Sage Publications. Armstrong, M. (2003). A Handbook of Human Resource management Practice, 9th Edition. Kogan Page.

Conventions In stones: Types of characters Plot rhythms Chapter structures Point-of-view limitations Chapter 1: Every Trip is a Quest (Except When It’s Not) The reason for a quest Is always self-knowledge The stated reason is never the actual reason to go on a quest, the real reason for a quest is self-knowledge. Most of the time, when a piece of literature involves someone going somewhere and doing something, it is a quest. Chapter 2: Nice to Eat You: Acts of Communion Whenever people eat or drink together, it’s communion

Sharing a meal Is a very personal thing (you wouldn’t have a meal someone you hated). Food Is a universal thing that we as humans share. In Cathedral a man who hated people with disabilities bonded to a man who was blind over food. Chapter 5: Now, Where Have I Seen Her Before? There is no such thing as a wholly original work of literature All authors pull inspiration from previous works. In Going After Cacciatore, Tim O’Brien pulls inspiration from Lewis Carol’s Alice In Wonderland when he has his character saying that they have to fall up to get out, onto Vetting tunnel.

Authors also use historical Inspiration. O’Brien models the main character’s lover interest after Showcases (a brown-skinned young women guiding a group of mostly white men, speaking a language they don’t know, knowing where to go, where to find food, and taking them west) There is only one story. Chapter 9: It’s All Greek to Me Myth Is the body of story that matters Greek and Roman myths are so Ingrained Into our consciousness that we don’t realize how apparent they are. Like in William Carols Williams painting Landscape with Fall of Cirrus.

Without the legs sticking out of the water in that making the painting that much less popular. Chapter 12: Is That A Symbol If it’s not symbolism, it’s allegory Symbols are personal things We want It to mean one thing, but Is Impossible because then the novel ceases to be what it is, “a network of meanings and signification. ” Meaning doesn’t lie of the surface of the novel. Authors may have the same object mean a variety of things. Pay attention to how you feel about the text. It probably means something. Interlude: Does He Mean That?