Sociology

Introduction:

Studies of language have provided an interesting insight into the workings of culture and the individual within the framework. Three concepts will be examined to understand the interaction between language and culture in the context of transnational societies. These areas are i) social network theory; ii) the nature of transnational communities and the impact of language, and iii) Sapir-Whorfian Theory. This paper will provide an annotated bibliography of three articles; each will examine one of these key concepts.

Social Network Theory:

He (2010). The Heart of Heritage: Sociological Dimensions of Heritage Language Learning

He’s article examines the effect of migration and language immersion on the heritage language (HL). The impact of the new social network and immersion in English and American culture has a negative effect on the HL (He, 2010). Resultantly, language attrition occurs with the HL, even when the person is an adult in a diaspora community. To understand why this is social networks theory has to be applied at the micro and macro level, to understand how culture and society affect language throughout a person’s life (Gibbons & Ramirez, 2004). The maintenance of HL is an important factor in diaspora communities (Byon, 2003). However, this cannot prevent change in the linguistic form, because the wider social networks of American English has an impact on the HL (He, 2008). This is recognized as a side-effect of culture mixing (Harris, 2006; Schupbach, 2008). Consequently, when immersion occurs then this language becomes dominant, which negatively affects the HL.

An illustration of this is the Brazilian Nikkei (Japanese that migrated to Brazil in the early 20th Century). The Nikkei has used their ties to find jobs in Japan, where it has been observed that cultural ties have allowed for assimilation (Knight, 2002). However, their HL has undergone a significant level of attrition, and pigeon Japanese has been created. The inference is that language can diminish, but this does not necessarily affect cultural ties. Language attrition is a by-product of language shift, which results from the contact/clash between languages (De Bot & Stoessel, 2002).

The study of He (2010) indicates attrition occurs in all learners of a second language when a person is immersed in the culture of the language. He’s (2010) findings are supported. Fairclough (2001) argues the impact of the new culture and language, which requires some level of assimilation to function (Fairclough, 2001). Consequently, in a multicultural society, there can be a mixing of languages, language assimilation, and language attrition, which depends on the level of immersion (Giles, 1984). However, a high level of language assimilation/accommodation can affect the cultural psyche of the migrant. Resultantly, the migrant does not want to return to their homeland (Hojat et al, 2010).

First language attrition is commonly seen in large urban societies, due to language borrowing. Thus, a person will borrow from other languages and dialects, because it is acceptable within the ‘new’ society of linking cultures (Harris, 2006; Schupbach, 2008). Alternatively, there are also trends to preserve minority languages, such as Welsh through social networking (Honeycutt & Cunliffe, 2010).

Language learning has a broader effect than just language assimilation; rather there can be the preservation of the HL also (Honeycutt & Cunliffe, 2010). The problems of language attrition in Chinese Diasporas can be modified by creating a new social network, which is devoted to HL preservation (He, 2010). Thus, the article concludes that:

“Heritage language learning [and maintenance] has the potential to transform all parties involved in the socialization process” (He, 2010, p.78).

Thus, social networks’ effect on language and culture can be problematic for migrant communities, because as the person assimilates to the state’s language attrition occurs. This can be identified when living in large urban areas, such as London. First language skills are degraded and/or communities borrow from one another, which can be seen in the borrowing from West Indian communities. Using the same theory a diaspora community can be created, which is dedicated to HL maintenance, or even cultural utilization of traditional language usage.

Transnational Communities:

Haller & Landolt (2005). The Transnational Dimensions of Identity Formation: Adult Children of Immigrants in Miami:

Language is an integral part of the culture; however, the precise effect of language is debated. The link between language and the person’s development, according to some theorists, is significant (Haller & Landolt, 2005). The transnational community is an interesting phenomenon in the context of the language and culture mix. A transnational community is a migrant community that can live anywhere in the world, because of the strong ties to their homeland (Gammage et al. 2005, pp.62). Thus, the diaspora community has a binding culture and nationality that transcends borders (Singer, 2004; Singer et al, 2001).

Alfonso, Kokot & Toloyan (2004) identify that the diaspora survives on a perceived “transnational networks. Identifications with imagined homelands and nation-states, as well as de-territorialized cultures and origins are seen as central for the construction of the diasporic identities” (p.73).The binding factors of the diaspora community are language, history, and culture (Walter, 2001; Cohen, 2008).

The study by Haller & Landolt (2008) explores the links between language, history, and culture within the diasporic community of migrant families in Miami. An important binding factor is a language, even in the youth. There is a level of attrition; however, communities want to retain a connection to the homeland. A central factor in this illusion is the HL. The retention of HL for American-born children of migrants is through creating a connection to the illusory homeland. The most effective method is taking the child to the homeland (Portes et al. 2002). This means the transnational can be attained through perpetuation of the diaspora myth. Resultantly, “the relationships between the home and homeland, the existence of multiple homes, diverse home-making practices and the intersections of home, memory, identity, and belonging” (Blunt & Dowling, 2006, p.199) become a fundamental part of the diaspora community (i.e. a home away from home). Haller & Landolt (2008) identify that an effective method of maintaining the myth is through continual ties to the homeland, such as trips to the homeland.

The role of language plays a central role in the diaspora because it allows the migrant community to retain the HL. A diaspora community can also have strong ties to the language and culture of the resident state, in order to prevent marginalization (Wahlbeck, 2002). HL retention is an effective tool for basing the illusory tie to the homeland. Haller & Landolt (2008) identify that the dual ties (i.e. homeland and resident state) are central to the Cuban elite in Miami, which has empowered this Hipic community through all echelons of the Miami culture.

In the West Indian community of London, cultural ties are especially important. The West Indian patois is retained with the close ties with home, which means that assimilating into English society does not require the patios to be lost, albeit is an English dialect. Thus, language assimilation does not prevent the retention of HL and culture, as long as a transnational identity is created upon the language tie.

Sapir-Whorfian Theory:

Zahedi (2008). Determinist Inquiries: Debates on the Foundation of Language

Zahedi explores the different models of language determinism, in order to show that limiting the analysis to just the Sapir- Whorfian Hypothesis is misplaced. His hypothesis may help to explain how law and social/cultural norms are developed, but it is not an exclusive form of determinism.

Sapir-Whorfian Theory is centered on language determinism. There are two forms of determinism that arise out of this theory, which is soft and hard linguistic determinism. The strong model “is often called the prison house view of language – that is, the limits of language are the limits of the world” (Mooney, 2010, p.32). The soft model identifies language has some effect on the thought processes of the person. The latter model is more convincing. It provides that there is an inextricable link between language and the person, which will mean the adult in a transnational community, will be influenced by perceptions and values that stem from their culture and language (Lam et al, 2012). Determinists argue that thought processes are affected by language (Boroditsky 2001; Boroditsky, et al 2001, 2003, 2004). Nevertheless, this approach fails to recognize the fluidity of language, which is seen in the development of diaspora communities (Canagarajah, 2007; Haughen, 1972).

The perceptions and the ideology of the researcher influence their examination of language, its language links to culture and impact of the person (Zahedi, 2008). Hence, the best model of determinism is ascertained by the researcher’s methodological approach. The empiricist is best suited to the Sapir- Whorfian Hypothesis because it focuses on linguistic relativity and linguistic determinism (Mooney, 2010).

The strong form that “language determines thought” (Zahedi, 2008, p.29) has been rejected. Instead, the viable form is the soft approach, which states language affects thought patterns (Bilik, 2002; Zahedi, 2008). This has been supported by a number of studies (Boroditsky 2001; Boroditsky, et al 2001, 2003, 2004). This is an anthropological approach to language (i.e. externalist approach). Thus, language develops in a flexibly, especially when different cultures clash (Bilik, 2002).

Culture clash will have two effects, the first is that the language will adapt to the new community (Collinge, 2002, p. 254; De Bot & Stoessel, 2002). Thus, a broader understanding of language needs to be engaged with, such as the Saussurean approach. The Saussurean is an internalist approach, which identifies the arbitrariness of linguistic signs identified in the externalist framework (Zahedi, 2008, p.25).

This article argues both the internalist and externalist approaches to language are necessary. Thus, Zahedi (2008) argues that just focusing on Sapir- Whorfian determinism will limit sociological understandings of language. A broader application of language and culture is essential, especially in the multicultural or transnational community (Safar, 2004). This is because clashes between cultures or resident state and HL preservation can change the perceptions of the person (Knight, 2002). The application to Multicultural London is interesting because the use of West Indian patios in other communities is clearly identifiable. It seems that this language has become part of the urban landscape. Thus, applying a narrow assimilative approach is not appropriate. Rather, a mixed approach to determinism is necessary, in order to understand how language affects the person and its connection to the social landscape (i.e. the link between West Indian patois and London’s urban landscape. .

References:

Alfonsi, C, Kokot, W & Toloyan, K (2004). Diaspora, Identity and Religion: New Directions in Theory and Research London: Routledge

Bilik, N. (2002). The Ethnicity of Anthropology in China: Discursive Diversity and Linguistic Relativity. Critique of Anthropology Vol 22, No 2, 133-148

Blunt, A. (2007). “Cultural Geographies of Migration: Mobility, Transnationality and Diaspora” Progress in Human GeographyVol. 31, Iss 5: 684-694

Blunt, A. and Dowling, R. (2006) Home. London: Routledge

Boroditsky, L, Phillips W, and Schmidt., LA. (2004) Can Quirks of Grammar Affect the Way You ThinkGrammatical Gender Categories and the Mental Representation of Objects. Manuscript. Stanford, CA: Stanford University.

Boroditsky, L,. Schmidt, LA and Phillips, W (2003). Sex, Syntax and Semantics. in Language in Mind: Advances in the Study of Language and Thought, edited by D. Gentner and S. Goldin-Meadow. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press., pp. 61-67

Byon, A. (2003). Language socialization and Korean as a heritage language: A study of

Canagarajah, S. (2007). Lingua Franca English, Multilingual Communities, and Language Acquisition. Modern Language Journal Vol 91, pp. 923-939

Cohen, R (2008). Global Diasporas: An Introduction London: Routledge

Collinge, NE. (2002). An Encyclopaedia of Language Taylor & Francis

De Bot, K and Stoessel, S. (2002). Introduction: Language and Social Networks. International Journal of the Sociology of the Language Vol. 2002. Iss. 153. 1-7

Fairclough, N. (2001). Language and Culture London: Longman

Gammage, S. Paul, A. Machado, M. & Benitez, M. (2005). Gender Migration and Transnational Communities. A Draft Prepared for the Inter-American Foundation April 2005 Washington DC. Retrieved from: http://previous.wiego.org/pdf/Gammage-Gender-Migration-Transnational-Communities.pdf

Gibbons, J., & Ramirez, E. (2004). Maintaining a minority language: A case study of Hipic Teenagers. Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters

Giles, H. (Ed). (1984). The dynamics of speech accommodation. International Journal of the Sociology of Language pp. 46

Haller, W and Landolt, P. (2005). The Transnational Dimensions of Identity Formation: Adult Children of Immigrants in Miami Identity Formation 1182-1209

Harris, R. (2006) New Ethnicities and Language Use. London: Palgrave

Hawaiian classrooms. Language, Culture and Curriculum Vol 16, 269–283

He, AW. (2010). The Heart of Heritage: Sociological Dimensions of Heritage Language Learning. Annual Review of Applied Linguistics Vol. 30, 66-82

Hojat, M., D, Foroughi, H. Mahmoudi, & F. Holakouee. (2010). A Desire to Return to the Country of Birth as a Function of Language Preference: An Empirical Study with Iranian Immigrants in the United States. International Migration, Vol 48 Iss. 3, 158-173

Honeycutt, C & Cunliffe, D. (2010). The Use of the Welsh Language on Facebook: An initial investigation. Information, Communication & Society Vol. 13, Iss. 2 226-248

Knight, WA. (2002). Conceptualising Transnational Community Formation: Migrants, Sojourners and Diasporas in a Globalised Era. Canadian Studies in Population Vol. 29, Iss. 1, 1-30

Lam, SEL and Warriner, DS. (2012). Transnationalism and Literacy: Investigating the Mobility of People, Languages, Texts and Practices in Contexts of Migration. Research Reading Quarterly Vol 47, iss. 2, pp. 191

Mooney, A. (2010). Language, Thought and Representation in Language, Society and Power: An Introduction 3rd Edition (eds, Mooney, A, Stilwell Pecci, J , Labelle, S et al) Routledge

Portes, A (2003). ‘Conclusion: theoretical convergences and empirical evidence in the study of immigrant Transnationalism’, International Migration Review, vol. 37, no. 3, pp. 874-892

Safran, W. (2004). Deconstruction and Comparing Diasporas. New York: Taylor & Francis

Schupach, D. (2008) Shared Languages, Shared Identities, Shared Stories: A Qualitative Study of Life Stories by Immigrants from German-Speaking Switzerland in Australia Frankfurt: Peter Lang

Singer, A. (2004) “The Rise of New Immigrant Gateways,” Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy, The Brookings Institution, The Living Cities Census Series, Washington DC, February 2004.

Singer, A. S. Friedman, I. Cheung and M. Price (2001) “The World in A Zip Code: Greater Washington D.C. as a New Region of Immigration,” Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy, Brookings Greater Washington Research Program, The Brookings Institution.

Walter, B. (2001), Outsiders inside: whiteness, place, and Irish women. London: Routledge

Zahedi, K. (2008). “Determinist Inquiries: Debates on the Foundation of Language” International Inquiries: Debates on the Foundation of Language Vol. 1, Iss 1, 26-50

Introduction

Poverty is widespread in the affluent countries. In the 1980s and 1990s Britain gained one of the worst poverty records in the developed world. Inequalities between the rich and poor widened dramatically as a result of governmental policies, changes in the occupational structure and unemployment. (Giddens 2006 : 378)

In 1886, Charles Booth investigated the extent of poverty in London. His was the first systematic sociological study of poverty in the UK. The results, presented in 1902-3, documented the living and working condition of the London poor. Adopting a relative approach to poverty — which was defined as the inability to meet the usual standard of life — Booth estimated that the level at which poverty set in for a family of two adults and three children was 21 shillings per week (? 1.05 today). Booth estimated that 30.7 per cent of London’s total population were in poverty. Around the same time, adopting an absolute perspective on poverty, Seebohm Rowntree investigated the state of the poor in the city of York in 1899. He highlighted the minimum standard of living which fulfilled people’s biological needs for food, water, clothing and shelter. This is also referred to as the subsistence level. Rowntree subsequently drew up a list of those minimum personal and household necessities required for survival and established two categories of poverty. Primary poverty is when the person is unable to acquire the minimum necessitates, secondary poverty is when a portion of the person’s total earnings is absorbed by other useful or wasteful expenditure such that it is not possible to maintain the minimum standard.

Poverty can be defined in several ways, Booth took a relative approach and Rowntree took an absolute approach. In the post-war era, there has been a more pronounced shift from viewing poverty as predominantly a monetary and economic phenomenon to regarding and acknowledging its more qualitative and subjective aspects. By the end of the 1950s, the period of rationing and shortages was over and, with almost full employment, the UK seemed ‘never to have had it so good’. Yet, by the 1960s, a number of social policy academics close to the Labour Party (such as Tawney and Townsend) raised the issue of the continuing existence of poverty in a period of greater prosperity. Townsend questioned absolute definitions of poverty (such as those of Rowntree) which were outdated and failed to take account of the problems some people had in fully participating in society. Townsend’s definitive work on poverty in the UK in 1979 (Townsend 1992) went beyond an absolute definition based on physical needs, to view poverty in relation to a generally accepted standard of living, in a specific society, at a particular time.

Individuals can be said to be in poverty when they lack the resources to obtain the types of diet, participate in the activities and have the living conditions and amenities which are customary, or at least widely encouraged and approved, in the societies which they belong. (p.31)

Townsend suggested a definition that was closer in tune to the concept of citizenship — poverty constituted a lack of resources that would enable a person to able to participate in the normal expectations and customs of a society. This kind of definition also would imply that the indicators of poverty can change over time in order to embrace changes in society. In the 1960’s, Townsend used the example of not being able to afford a proper Sunday lunch as an indicator of poverty. The idea of a Sunday roast meal might not be so relevant today because of changes in family life and the way people gather together, and therefore is not so much an integral aspect of what people can be expected to do normally. On the other hand, Townsend’s indicator of giving presents to near members of the family for birthdays or Christmas still holds. In his 1979 work, Townsend identified twelve items he believed were be relevant to the whole population, and gave each household surveyed a score on a deprivation index. The higher the score, the more deprived was the household. Townsend calculated that 22.9 per cent of the population fell under the threshold of deprivation (Giddens 2006).

When talking about poverty, researchers usually base their work on measures of deprivation rather than the identification of poverty by itself. The existence of deprivation is taken as a surrogate for the existence of poverty. People are said to be deprived materially and socially if they lack the material standards (diet, housing ad clothing) and the services and amenities (recreational, educational, environmental, social) which would allow them to participate in commonly accepted roles and relationship within society. The compass of poverty is complex, embracing the unemployed, those on low pay or in insecure work, the sick, the elderly, and the unskilled. Some minority ethnic groups also come into the picture, for example, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis in the UK have, in general, high rates of poverty compared to other groups (Giddens 2006). Absolute poverty assumes that it is possible to define a minimum standard of living based on a person’s biological needs for food, water, clothing and shelter. The emphasis is on basic physical needs and not on broader social and cultural needs. Rowntree’s studies of poverty in York in 1901, 1936, and 1951 used such an approach to poverty. But another way of viewing poverty is of relative poverty, which goes beyond biological needs, and is not simply about a lack of money but also about exclusion form the customs of society. Relative poverty is about social exclusion imposed by an inadequate income. Social exclusion is a broader concept than poverty encompassing not only low material means but the inability to participate effectively in economic, social, political and cultural life, implying alienation and distance from the mainstream society (Giddens 2006). Social exclusion may both be a precursor to poverty and an important consequence of it. In 1984, Mack and Lansley study established that the poverty threshold covered not only the basic essentials for survival (such as food and shelter) but also the ability to participate in society and play a social role:

for the first time ever, a majority of people see the necessities of life in Britain in the 1980s as covering a wide range of goods and activities, and… people judge a minimum standard of living on socially established criteria and not just the criteria of survival or subsistence. (Mack & Lansley 1985 : 55)

In the 1980s, the discussion of poverty turned increasingly to the notion of polarisation and to the shrinking portion of the UK cake held by the poorest. Poverty and wealth are not simply the ‘bottom’ and ‘top’ of the income distribution, they are polarised social conditions (Scott 1994). Income polarisation was also compounded by a number of policy measure introduced in the 1980s, such as a reduction in the level of income tax for high earners and increasing use of indirect taxes. Academics showed that polarisation and social disparities were growing between those who had benefited from the measures of the successive Thatcher administrations and those who had lost out, while the Thatcher government as the time tried to deny the excesses of Thatcherism. According to an analysis of the Child Poverty Action Group, in the regime of Margaret Thatcher, more than 63 billion has been transferred in subsidies from the poor to the rich (Oppenheim and Harker 1996)

Research in the 1990’s on the distribution of wealth and poverty in the UK has been produced under a Joseph Rowntree Foundation research initiative. This research highlighted that the number of people living in households with under half the national average income fell between the early 1960s and 1970s from five million to three million, but then rose to eleven million in 1991, to a point where one in five households were living on under half the national average income. The number of individuals under 60 living in households without paid work has more than doubled – from 4.1. million, or 8 per cent, in 1979, to 9.4 million, or 19 per cent by the mid 1990s. This has been accompanied by a widening gap in the incomes of households in paid work and those out of paid work. In 1997, 12 million people in the UK (almost 25% of the population) lived below the poverty line, defined as under half the average wage, and two out of five children were born poor. Today, according to OECD (Organisation for Economic cooperation and Development), Britain has one of the worst poverty records in the developed world (Giddens 2006). According to the latest available statistics, nearly 1 in 4 people in the UK – amounting to 13 million people – live in poverty. This includes nearly 4 million children – signifying a shocking 1 in 3 ratio (Oxfam GB 2003).

The explanations that have been offered as causes of poverty fall under two categories, individualistic theories and structural theories. Here we will focus on the former. Individualistic theories identify the main causes of poverty within individuals themselves. Social and cultural factors are not entirely discounted, but more emphasis is place on inappropirated individual behaviours. There are three main types of individualistic theories.

Orthodox economic theory: This theory proposes that poverty can be explained by the economic deficiency of the individual . Harold Lydall argues that the general abilities of men in the labour force determine the distribution of incomes. These abilities are assumed to be created by genetic, environmental and educational factors. To reduce poverty, policies need to target individuals’ own value systems, to develop their own personal qualities in a manner that makes them more capable and efficient. The individual is poor because he has not maximised his true potential in the labour market.

Minority group theory: Minority group theory originate from the earliest studies of poverty based on the findings of Booth and Rowntree. These pioneering social scientists did not attempt to discover the causes of poverty, merely the characteristics of certain groups of poor people. Minority group theory has largely constructed its explanation for poverty through examining the characteristics of the poor – for example, being old, being married with dependent children. Going beyond such demographic indicators, the theory implicates alleged ‘faulty’ characteristics. The classification of ‘ar-risk’ groups has prompted policy makers to implement a benefit system to ensure that the most basic of needs are met, without encouraging idleness or apathy. The poverty policies of successive governments have often informed by minority group theory.

Subculture of poverty theory: Subculture of poverty theory is derived form a number of anthropological and sociological studies, particularly, the work of Oscar Lewis. It was Lewis who in 1959 introduced the term ‘the culture of poverty’ in an effort to draw an analogy between the Mexican lower class families and those in other parts of the world. He attempted to explain the phenomenon of the persistence of poverty in different countries. The basic idea has its roots in the Chicago School of Sociology and the work of Robert E. Park. According to Park the patterns of the neighbourhood, and the slum in particular, once they come into being, take on a life of their own and are to a great extent self-generating and self-perpetuating. A sociological process known as labeling also underpins this phenomenon. Labelling somebody negatively may also lead to increased surveillance or segregation from the wider community which further increases (and even creates) the predicted behaviour (Fulcher and Scott 2001). These processes, whereby people tend to live up to the expectation of others are known to be self-fulfilling.

Oscar Lewis implies a similar understanding in his formulation of the notion of the culture of poverty. Lewis claimed that poverty affected the very personality of slum dwellers. The poor tend to be at once apathetic yet alienated, happy-go-lucky yet miserable. Other negative characteristics that mark the psychological orientation of poor people include laziness, being unambitious, being disorganised, and fatalistic. To fight poverty at its roots, such psychological tendencies need to be gradually eroded, with more positive attitudes taking their place. Much work also needs to be done on making the destitute people more attractive to their potential employers, in terms of skills and educational qualifications.

Substantial and sustained reductions in poverty depend on raising the level of qualifications among older teenagers and young adults in the bottom quarter of educational achievement. Lack of progress here is a major concern for longer term progress on reducing poverty. (Joseph Rowntree Foundation 2006)

References:

Giddens, A. (2006). Sociology. Cambridge : Polity Press

Fulcher, J. & Scott J. (2001). Sociology. Oxford : Oxford University Press

Joseph Rowntree Foundation. (2006). Monitoring poverty and social exclusion in the UK 2006. Retrieved 20 March 2007 from http://www.poverty.org.uk/reports/mpse%202006%20findings.pdf

Mack, J. & Lansley, S. (1985). Poor Britain. London : Unwin Hyman

Oppenheim,C. & Harker, L. (1996). Poverty: the Facts, 3rd ed. London : Child Poverty Action

Oxfam GB. (2003). The facts about poverty in the UK. Retrieved 20 March 2007 from http://www.oxfamgb.org/ukpp/poverty/thefacts.htm

Scott, J. (1994). Poverty and Wealth: Citizenship, Deprivation and Privilege (Longman Sociology Series). London : Longman Group United Kingdom

Townsend, P. (1992). Poverty in the UK. Berkeley : University of California Press

In Britain in the 1960s and 1970 sociologists were examining the levels of underachievement of working class pupils. It was clear from the evidence that they were underachieving compared to the middle classes in terms of gaining access to selective schools, achievement at 16 – O Levels/CSEs/GCSEs entry to university and further training. In other words, it was clear that working class children were most likely to end up doing working class jobs. Despite this evidence, it was not entirely clear how working class pupils failed. This was revealed by the pioneering work of Paul Willis (1977).

Whereas previous explanations of working class failure in the education system tended to provide very mechanistic approaches which were based on the logic of a particular theoretical approach, Willis set out to examine the actual experiences of a group of working class ‘lads’ and to investigate what actually happened to them. It is only through a more qualitative approach that such an insight can be gained. It is believed that ethnography provides a more valid (accurate) picture of social life which more quantitative methods such as questionnaires cannot do.

In Willis’s book Learning to Labour: How Working Class Kids Get Working Class Jobs, he is a participant observer of 12 boys in a West Midlands school in the 1970s. He follows them during their last year and a half at school and their first few months at work. (The small sample – 12 boys – is clearly a limiting factor to his work as well as the fact that he only focuses on boys). In this essay there will be an examination of the issues raised in relation to Willis’ study by Gordon (1994) and an assessment of how well she seems to explain these issues and whether her points are shared by other critics of Willis’ study such as…

Abstract

This paper discusses the phenomenon of isolation in old age, as well as the mental and physical impact(s) of this isolation. In this paper, the author also addresses best-­?practice interventions to alleviate the impact(s) of isolation among older people.

Introduction

Isolation is a universal phenomenon, which has been intellectualized mainly by sociologists, and psychologists. Although approaches to the condition of isolation have been diverse, academics have mainly focused on ‘social isolation’ and ‘psychological isolation’. The experience of isolation changes and varies throughout one’s lifetime; it can be experienced differently among youth in comparison to seniors. Given that isolation is experienced differently through time, culture, and that it is dependant on one’s background and age, even gender, it becomes clear that isolation is a highly personal and politically charged occurrence. As one scholar notes, “(…) isolation is hardly a neutral scientific category (…)”.1

This essay discusses the phenomenon of isolation in old age. I begin with a sociological and psychological description of the phenomenon, and a brief intellectual history of the significance of isolation. I continue with a discussion about the most recognizable impact(s) of isolation, here, both mental and physical impacts will be addressed. And, I will end with a presentation of a series of interventions that have proven to be particularly fruitful when it comes to alleviating the impacts of isolation in old age.

Body

In the context of isolation in old age, two definitions of the phenomenon: namely the sociological and the psychological are particularly relevant. This is partly due to the fact that sociological and psychological isolation may overlap more in old age. In this case, sociological isolation can be defined as a social lack of contact between persons, or groups. Sociological isolation might increase with age, due to an increase in remaining mobile and active. Psychological isolation can be defined as failure to communicate with another individual, regardless of the presence or proximity of other people.

The combination of the effects of the “generation gap”, the decline in mobility, and the loss of friends and family members, put older people at higher risk of becoming isolated, and potentially lonely. In some cases, loss of income, or economic isolation might also be an issue. Consequently, this fringe of the population requires specific attention. According to a study published in The Journal of the Royal Society for the Promotion of Health, in the next 20 years, the number of people aged more than eighty is expected to treble, and the those aged over ninety will double.2 In light of the fact that in the UK for example, people aged over eighty-­?five are represent the fastest growing sector of the population, isolation must be considered as an increasingly alarming societal concern.3 .

The concept of isolation was present in the writings of the founders of sociology. Emile Durkheim’s study of suicide epitomizes the idea of the isolated individual’s potentially radical fate. Similarly, the study of isolation was central to the Chicago sociologists in their analysis of the interactions between various social groups. Thanks to the fluctuating nature of isolation as a category of analysis, today, the concept remains widely debated among sociologists and psychologists, “The intellectual history of social isolation shows that it has been a productive, durable, and mutable category of analysis, a term with enough metaphorical power to attract authors from different eras (…).”4

Although suicide need not be the final destination of isolation, Durkheim’s work was pivotal in highlighting the potential negative effects of isolation. Today, studies continue to show the linkages between isolation and poor physical and mental health. Professor John Cacioppo, a leading social psychologist based at the University of Chicago has found that the hardening of the arteries and inflammation in the body, for example, constitute physical symptoms related to isolation. In addition to physical symptoms, poor mental health often accompanies individuals suffering from isolation; depression, among other symptoms, is widely mentioned in studies of the consequences of isolation.5 Ultimately, negative feelings or depression can lead to increased consumption of alcohol or drugs, which might further contribute to poor health and isolation.

Chiefly, because isolation has the potential of touching so many individuals in society, it can be conceived as a threat to public health. Furthermore, as discussed before, due to global demographic changes under, isolation in old age is becoming an increasingly widespread phenomenon. As most public health interventions, countering isolation in old age requires targeted and adapted policies. The latter should be adapted to urban vs. rural older populations and special attention needs to come with countering isolation among older individuals who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender. In May 2012, Social Care Institute for Excellence in partnership with Contact the Elderly co-­?published a document referring to a series of “Successful interventions” at reducing social isolation in old age. Among these successful interventions discussed were, befriending, group services, and community navigators, all of which offer both emotional support and physical presence for older people.6 Where possible, these interventions should be preventative, which means that they should include among other factors, the promotion of independence, the delay of the deterioration of wellbeing, and the delay of the need for more costly intensive services.7

Conclusion

The objective of this essay was to discuss isolation and its effects, both physical and mental in old age, as well as to offer some insight about relevant successful interventions to counter this public health issue. Due to some restrictions, it has been difficult to touch upon every relevant issues pertaining to this public health dilemma. However, in terms of interventions implemented to alleviate this problem, further in-­?depth and targeted is required in order to offer the most efficient responses to particular groups among the older population. Because the population as a whole is aging rapidly, the problem of isolation in old age must be urgently tackled, and should concern both private and public sectors.

Question: When you consider how far apart the conflict and functionalist views of the social class system is, your eyes must surely be drawn to the evidence each uses to support the divergent assessments. What about that evidence? What would count for evidence? What if anything might settle the disagreement among sociologists about the nature, the desirability, and the composition of our social class system? How can we tell whether there is sufficient upward social mobility in the U. S.

? Answer: The evidence is within the middle class. When the middle class wealth and population expands, social mobility is moving upward.The middle class stabilize the economy and maintain balance. It would seem less likely that a conflict between the lower and upper class would create a revolution of a classless America. The conflict theory may seem to have diminished. When a majority of the population feel secure within their class. Upward mobility among the middle class may not be as desirable as in the lower population.

As long as you have as much or maybe a few more modern technologies (gadgets) than your parents, many individuals believe their own mobility, compared to their parents, is positive.Even though their overall wealth and freedom is significantly less. A revolution would seems less likely. Of course, the upper class are satisfied with the system as is. The middle class are optimistic about their mobility because they are so grateful to not be in the lower working class, so they think. Even though it’s not likely that they would ever become apart of the most upper class, they stand behind the functionalist theory and support the system because of the possibility.Presently, the middle class is the large majority of the American class system.

However, Kornblum research shows that middle class has the highest shrinkage rate and downward mobility. If the middle class population no longer existed, more people would become unhappy with the system. Their position in the lower class would be obvious. The conflictionist would have the evidence they need. The fuctionalist would see that there has been no advancements in the overall population because the rich have all the incentives, there is no more money to be made.

When students reach college, they begin to consider two choices about how they are going to start this new phase of their life, which are living in dorms or staying with their parents. Both are possible choices for college students, However, there are many differences between living in a dorm and staying with your parents.

First, living in your parents’ house can be very comfortable when you consider space; you have your own room, privacy, and all the stuff you need, you’re familiar with the place and it’s very comfortable. On the contrary, living in a dorm means that you have to share everything including the bedroom, bathroom and many other stuff, you won’t have your own private room and you have to get used to your roommate’s habits, thus, there is no privacy in dorms which can be very uncomfortable for many students.

Second, when you live with your parents, you’re eating habits will be healthier and more stable. You can eat various kinds of food which is very good for your health, however, many students that live in dorms tend to eat more junk food and unhealthy stuff because they can’t cook all the time, and that is very unhealthy. In addition, the food that colleges provide may not suit all the students’ tastes.

In addition to food, when you consider the choices you have to think about studying, in your house, you can concentrate when you’re studying due to the quiet atmosphere that your parents might provide you, and it is less distracting than the busy crowded dorms. Meanwhile, in dorms, you can use the college’s library most of the time which is very beneficial when you’re doing any research or writing an important essay!

Moreover, living in dorms will be your first step of leading an independent life, you will have to take the responsibility of many things such as your decisions and actions and financial matters. On the other hand, living with your parents will help you save money because you won’t have to worry about food and other stuff that you have to buy when you’re living in dorms.
Finally, unlike when you’re living with your parents, living in dorms will expand your knowledge, help you build relationships and accept others, you will make many friends and you will be free to do whatever you want.

In conclusion, living in dorms or with your parents are both good choices but It’s up to you whether you want an independent busy college life, or a quiet and comfortable one!

The Socioeconomic Characteristics of Household Customers in Mizoram

Introduction

Consumer Behaviour, is the psychological dimension of marketing management, is based on various factors. Since all of us are consumers, what we buy, how we buy, where and when we buy, in how much quantity we buy depends on our perception, self-concept, social and cultural background and our age and family cycle, our attitudes, beliefs, values, motivation, personality, social class and many other factors that are both internal and external to us. This is very evident in India, the second-most populous nation in the world and the number one contributor to the world’s population growth of potential customers. Traditionally, marketers have often relied on intuition and demographic information such as age, sex, income level and occupation for identifying potential areas. According to Sproles and Kendall, identification of these characteristics among the consumers helps to profile (individual) consumer-style, educate consumers about their specific decision-making characteristics, and counsel families on financial management. Again, many research studies show that consumer profiles are crucial as it deals with the mental orientation of consumers in making decisions. The important effects of demographic, socioeconomic and regional factor have been demonstrated by various studies in consumers’ choice of foreign and domestic products, or rather ethnocentrism too. In the present chapter, it is intended to highlight who the Mizoram household consumers are on the basis of their demographic and socioeconomic profile.

Profile of the household customers

Taking household customers as sample units, the households are sampled from urban and rural areas. All the eight (8) functioning districts are taken into consideration for the study. For the research, all the district headquarters, namely, Aizawl, Champhai, Kolasib, Lawngtlai, Lunglei, Mamit, Saiha and Serchhip are taken as urban samples. The rural samples are taken from the following villages/towns – Saitual and Aibawk from Aizawl district, Khawbung and Khawzawl from Champhai district, Bilkhawthlir and Vairengte from Kolasib district, Chawngte and Diltlang from Lawngtlai district, Hnahthial and Zobawk from Lunglei district, Rawpuichhip and Kawrthah from Mamit district, Tuipang and Sanga from Saiha district and N. Vanlaiphai and Thenzawl from Serchhip District. 0 households are sampled from the district headquarters for the urban sample and 20 households from each of the villages/towns mentioned for the rural population sample, making it 40 rural households for every district. In all, 640 households i. e. 80 households from each district, 40 from urban areas and 40 from rural areas are sampled to cover the whole State. The profiling of households is done, with suitable modifications and necessary adjustments in accordance with Explores and Kendall’s Consumer Styles Inventory model.

Following Leon GS and Leslie LK’s demographic segmentation, the sample is studied on the basis of the education level, main occupation, family size, composition of the households in terms of number of adults, children, male and female members, range of income, number of earning members in a household and lastly, the type of durable products owned by household customers. The analysis is done using F-Test and Pearson Correlation to find out the relationship between rural and urban population for each of the demographic variables. F-Test analysis tests to see whether two population variances equal to each other.This shows a high degree of similarity in the variances of the two sets, indicating homogeneity in composition between the two sets of respondents. The Pearsons Correlation gave an output of 0. 287853, a positive relationship between rural and urban. Even though there is a high degree of homogeneity between the two sets of samples, the relationship between the same set is not very strong when introducing Correlation Analysis. According to Census India 2001, Mizoram stood as one of the leaders in the field of literacy. With 88. 48% rate of literacy, Mizoram came in second next to Kerala.

This rationale is reflected in the study as Table 1 indicated that only 1. 41% of the household respondents are illiterates. Even though there is not much difference between rural and urban respondents in respect of illiterates, the rural sample shows that majority of the rural households have passed class 10 i. e. 25% of the 320 rural households, while the majority of the urban households are graduates with 32. 81% of the 320 urban households. Although there is a rather significant gap in the level of education between rural and urban samples, it is interesting to note that rural households do have access to higher education. 38% are college dropouts, 15. 94% are graduates and 4. 06% of the rural households hold post-graduate degrees. That makes 29. 38% of the rural households have exposure to the collegiate environment and thus, to urban lifestyle as all of the 22 colleges including Law Colleges are established in urban areas i. e. district headquarters (Statistical Handbook, 2008). 2. 2. 2 Occupation According to the Statistical Handbook (2008) published by the Government of Mizoram, agriculture and its allied sectors have declining figures in terms of Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) for the past years from 2005-06 till 2007-08.

Further decline is expected from the quick estimate made by the Department. One factor so stated in the Handbook is the Gautam famine. This may also result in a change of occupation from agriculture to other sectors to ensure livelihood. On the other hand, the State saw the incubation of private corporates in the form of insurance companies, banking companies and other private societies. Various private banking companies like Axis Bank, Syndicate, Central Bank of India, Bank of Baroda, Punjab National Bank, IDBI, have started their branch offices in Mizoram bringing about employment opportunities for educated youths. At the same time, private insurance companies mushroomed in Mizoram from the past five years. According to the Taxation Department, companies like Birla Sunlife, Tata-AIG, Bajaj-Alliance, Reliance etc. have started their ventures in Mizoram, again opening employment for the sons-of-the-soil. With the fast advent of the mobile-telecom industry in Mizoram since mid-2003, companies like Airtel, Reliance, Aircel, Tata-Indicom, Vodafone began employing Mizo youths as their operational staffs. Even then, the largest employing organization is the State Government. According to the 5th Economic Census 2005, the State Government accounted for 85% of employment in the State with 40,603 posts under its umbrella. In fact, the up-gradation data as of 2006 showed 51,070 employees including muster-rolls and work-charges. Purchase involvement and consumer behaviour are greatly influenced by the occupation of household consumers. Therefore, the study categorises the sample households as Agriculture, Carpentry and Skilled Workers, Daily Wage Earner, Government Employed, Private Company Employed and Business or Own Enterprise. Exhibit 2 shows the profile of occupations of the respondents.

Exhibit 2: Occupation profile of household respondents Table 2: Occupation of rural and urban respondents Number of household customers OccupationRuralUrban Agriculture81 (25. 31)3 (0. 94) Carpentry and Skilled Workers31 (9. 69)9 (2. 81) Daily wage earner40 (12. 50)32 (10) Government Employed99 (30. 94)223 (69. 69) Private Company employed3 (0. 94)19 (5. 94) Business66 (20. 63)34 (10. 63) Total320320.

Note: Figures in parenthesis are percentages Applying F-test, the relationship of rural and urban sample variances is calculated as 0. 79742, a low degree of homogeneity in terms of their variance ratio. Table 2 shows that rural households are more evenly distributed in terms of different occupations than their urban counterparts. But then, the correlation degree gave a rather high positive correlation of 0. 69526. This may be due to the fact that the highest frequencies of both rural and urban households are government employed. Agriculture is still an important occupation for the rural households, claiming more than 1/4th of the whole rural households while agriculture is quite negligible for the urban population as an occupation.

One indication that private companies are yet to penetrate the rural areas is the negligible employment by private companies in rural areas. Rural savings and insurance can yet still be tapped by private company players. Since 2005, the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act/ Scheme began enhancing the purchasing power of the rural households. Moreover, this particular wage employment scheme encourages savings and personal insurance for rural households. Rs. 39,500 crores will be pumped into the rural areas nation-wide in the year 2009-10 under this scheme. This can be an opportunity as the rural consumers constitute more than 75% of the Indian population and out of the 1. 61 lakhs household in Mizoram, rural areas account for almost half of the whole population of the State. Own enterprise or business constitutes a significant proportion of households in the rural sample, again an indication of good business opportunity for rural banking. The overall tabulation shows that 50% of the whole sample population are government employed, signifying a large business pool with secured incomes for marketers.

Family size

As the primary consumer decision-making unit, the family has been the subject of intense examination for a number of years. The family may be regarded as one of the strongest sources of influence on consumer behaviour, its size being the significant determinant. As the core unit of defining culture, the family has a very prominent effect on attitude formation in various facets of marketing. It may be held true that the family size matters in household consumer behaviour. According to the 2001 Census, the average size of scheduled tribe households in the rural areas was 5. 2 members while in urban areas it was 4. 9 members. It should be noted that the two family sizes viz. 3 to 5 members and 6 to 8 members together accounted for 89. 06% of the rural respondents and 91. 26% of their urban counterparts. Taking the family sizes 3 to 5 and 6 to 8, the median size lies between 5 and 6 member-households. This indicates the similarity of the households studied with that of the Census 2001 figures. The F-Test shows a very high degree of 0. 932141, indicating high homogeneity between the rural and urban respondents. Further application of Correlation Analysis gave the value of 0. 987285, demonstrating a very high level of relationship between rural and urban customer households. Hence, both the tests show that there is not much difference between rural and urban households with respect to family size. India, for several decades, has been involved in defining family size, in fact, one of the earliest nation to be concerned with the issue. Decadal studies show that there has been a marginal decrease in family size from 5. 5 in the 1980s to 5. 3 in 2001 even though there is a very significant increase in population during 1980 and 2001 from 493,757 to 888,573. This is an indication of growing nuclearization of families in the Indian society as stated in Census India Report and an indication of mass education and media awareness of the general population demonstrated in the decrease of family size, an after-effect of family planning.

Age

Product needs and interests vary with the age of the customers. Obviously then, different age groups present different marketing challenges and opportunities. Marketers thus have found age to be a particularly useful demographic variable for distinguishing segments. The output value of F Test gave a significantly high 0. 768617 showing the similarity between the rural and urban household customers in respect of the adult population. A correlation degree of positive. 959861 also indicates that there is a very high positive relationship between the two samples. Almost 50% of the households have 3 to 5 adult members. About 22% of the households in rural Mizoram have the adult population of 6 to 8 members, whereas only 13% of the households in urban Mizoram have the same number of the adult population. These results showed a close relationship between the two samples. Again, rural households and urban households with children between 14 to 18 years gave an F-test output of 0. 888851 and a correlation coefficient of  886998, showing a positive relationship between the samples. This again shows that there is not much difference between rural and urban household customers. A significant finding from the two subset tables is that most of the households in both rural and urban areas have the highest frequency in the least number of children in its family members i. . not more than 2 in the household, followed by 3 to 5 children in a household. While most of the households have 3 to 5 adults, most of the households have less than 2 members classified as children. This clearly demonstrated that most of the households are in the family stages known as Full Nest II and III.

Income

Income is, perhaps the single factor which significantly defines the consumer behaviour of households. In fact, much of the other demographic characteristics like education, family size, and culture depend largely on the income of the households. Even the economic environment depends on the household’s income and as Philip Kotler (2006) stated, “In the economic arena, marketers need to focus on income distribution”. Income is one of the important determinants which have a strong positive influence on the ownership of durables and even preference pattern of consumable products largely depend upon the income distribution of the households.

Note: Figures in parenthesis are percentages. F-Test Analysis for the rural and urban households gave an output 0. 5093 while the Correlation Analysis gave a low positive relation degree of 0. 06. This shows that the income range distribution between rural and urban are rather loosely related, compared to other socio-economic factors already studied. In the rural sample, households with a monthly income of Rs. 10,001 to 15,000 has the largest percentage, while the urban sample showed that households with more than 20,000 have the highest percentage. This may be due to the fact that the main occupation of urban households is government jobs. Even though the largest percentage of rural households is government employed, a very significant portion of the rural households are engaging in agriculture. Another factor may be the fact that higher-paying government jobs are mostly within urban areas. According to Lalit Kumar Jha (1997), the overall average household income of Mizoram State is Rs. 10,026 per month. This income range is reflected in the total household samples with 21. 09% as the highest percentage, showing the whole household sample is the sub-set of the State population.

Earning Members

The phenomenon of ‘double income’ has been identified as a sociologically relevant variable which may affect the lifestyles of households. Michman R (1980) identified the multiplicity of income sources of households as an important market sub-segmentation as the purchasing capacity and involvement are much more dynamic. Recently, a new segment has been identified and targeted as DINK or Double Income No Kids. An interesting survey by the Associated Chamber of Commerce & Industry of India (2008) on “Changing Consumption Patterns of Delhi” shows that DINKs are high spenders.

The survey states that households DINKS spend more of their resources on luxurious lifestyles while their counterparts, double income-with kids’ households spend most of their incomes on child education, healthcare, insurance and homemaking, making the study of income source pattern a crucial issue for marketers. Even though F-test Analysis gave a rather low homogeneity between rural and urban households with a degree of 0. 33318, Correlation Analysis gave a significant positive relationship of 0. 700723. This shows that even though there is a rather large disparity between the means of rural and urban households, their relationship cannot be ignored. The study shows that most of the rural households have only one earning member in its households, claiming 77. 0% of the whole sample while the urban households have a very prominent proportion of two earning member households claiming 42. 81% of the urban sample, a close second to households with only one earning member. The number of earning members of rural and urban households can be co-related with the income ranges of rural and urban households. Table 7 showed that the average income range of urban households is relatively higher than rural households and Table 8 indicated that households with two earning members are quite higher in urban samples.

Durable products owned ORG-Gfk

Year-End Reviews (2004) states that the Indian consumer durable industry is estimated at around Rs. 200 billion and growing. The healthy growth of durables market can be an offset of various factors like fragmentation of households into double-income nuclear families to the presence of easier finance options; expansion of dealer networks and after-sales services. In fact, durable products account for 6. 6% of yearly purchases of Indian households. According to the information given in The Marketer Whitebook (2005) 42% of all households owned radios, 20. 4% owned a television, 14. 1% owned telephone, 3. 1% owned bicycle, 6. 2% owned motorized 2-wheelers, 3. 4% owned cars and 50. 9% owned unspecified durables in Mizoram. The profile of durable products owned by the households determine various dimensions of consumer behaviour, namely, purchase preference, product penetration, support purchase for already owned durables, marketing opportunities and so on. Exhibit 6 gives an overview of the ownership of durable products by the household respondents. There are 18 petrol pumps all over the State and every district except Mamit district has at least one recognised petrol pump. As for electrification, 570 villages have already been electrified, accounting for around 70% of the State access to electricity, 44. 1% of the rural households and 94. 4% of the urban households reported as electrified. According to the Taxation Department Report, the mobile phone came in use only from 2003 that too started only with BSNL giving out 500 subscriptions. Till October 2008, there is a total of 2,85,287 subscribers with BSNL, Airtel, Reliance and Aircel.

This information does not take into consideration the entry of Tata-Indicom and Vodaphone service providers. Out of the 320 respondents from rural households, 233 households (i. e. 72. 81%) own mobile phones. Various factors can come into play here, the competitive and aggressive participation of mobile service providers in the rapid and widespread penetration of both rural and urban areas being one of the major factors, competing and overtaking at some places in the once monopoly of the state-owned BSNL. About 29 recognised cable TV operators operating in urban and semi-urban areas gave a monthly subscription to consumers since 1991. Apart from these operators, private dish antennas are made available by Zee Group (Dish Tv) at affordable prices below Rs. 2,000. This may be one of the main reasons that television is very popular in both the rural and urban areas, claiming 68. 13% of rural households and 96. 25% of urban households owned a television sets. It is interesting to see that even some unelectrified villages have solar-powered television with dish antennas besides the thatched huts. LPG is considered a household necessity for urban households with 98. 43% of urban samples having access to LPG.

Yet, it came as the third most owned durable product in rural areas. A prominent factor may be the easy accessibility to the LPG dealers. Aizawl has 11 LPG agents within its district, Lunglei with 4 agencies, Kolasib with 3 agencies, Champhai with 2 agencies and Lawngtlai, Mamit, Serchhip and Saiha with 1 agency each. Other factors may be the price of LPG cylinders and uncertainty of supply even at the agencies. Even though radio continues to be the most extensive network covering the entire State, its popularity is confined mostly to the rural areas, accounting for 64. 06% of rural households and 56. 7% of urban households of the sample. The advance of other electronic media, like cable television network and Doordarshan, maybe one of the main reasons. Fridge ownership accounted for 59. 06% of rural households and 95. 63% of urban households. A a large number of rural households are agrarian-based, they can be assumed to have easy access to fresh vegetables as compared to urban households. The main utility of fridge being storing of food thus is more popular in the urban areas. As for telephone, 90. 31% of the urban households have telephone connection while 42. 18% of rural households accounted for a telephone connection.